interests, and independence shall not be excluded.[15] Out of the eater cometh forth meat.  Even a blood-stained Tsar’s proposals for peace have not been entirely without effect.  But in the midst of the warring diplomatists at The Hague one could discover none of that glow, that fervour of devotion to peace, which distinguished the early Quakers and is still felt among a few fine enthusiasts.  The first duty imposed upon every representative at The Hague was to get everyone to do as much as possible for peace, except himself.  It is not so that the world is moved.

Neither in the representatives nor in their governments can we find any principle or passionate desire for peace.  The emperors, kings, and men of wealth, birth, and leisure who impudently claim the right of deciding questions of peace and war in all nations, display no objection to war, provided it looks profitable.  Provided it looks profitable—­what a vista of devilry those words call up!  What a theme for satire!  But also, to some extent, and in the present day, what ground for hope!

They bring us suddenly face to face with a little book which will leave its mark, not only on the mind, but, perhaps, on the actual and external history of man.  In my opinion, the next Nobel prize should be shared equally between Mr. J.A.  Hobson and Mr. Lane, the younger writer who calls himself Norman Angell.  Between them they have completely analysed the motives, the pretexts, the hypocrisies, the deceptions, the corruptions, and the fallacies of modern war.[16] When we say that the men who impudently claim the control of foreign politics among the nations display no objection to war, provided it looks profitable, we enter at once the sphere of that “Great Illusion” which is the distinguishing theme of Norman Angell’s pamphlet.

His main contention is that in modern times, owing to the interdependence of nations, especially in trade, the readiness of communication, the conduct of commerce and finance almost entirely by the exchange of bills and cheques, the complicated banking relations, and the solidarity of credit in all great capitals, so that if London credit is shaken the finance of Berlin, Paris, St. Petersburg, and New York feels the shock almost equally—­for all these reasons modern war cannot be profitable even to the victorious Power.

To advocates of peace, here comes a gleam of hope at last—­perhaps the strongest gleam that has reached us yet.  Upon the kings of the earth, sitting, as Milton said, with awful eye; upon diplomatists, ambassadors, Foreign Office officials, courtiers, clergy, and the governing class in general, appeals to pity, mercy, humanity, religion, or reason have had no effect whatever.  If you think I speak too strongly, look around you.  Name within the last century any ruler or minister who has been guided by humanity or religion in the question of peace or war.  Name any ruler who has abstained from war because force is no argument.  With the possible