ease, and plenty that will abound, will receive an
increasing force and impetus; the number of
mouths to be fed will have no limit, but the food that
is to supply them cannot keep pace with the demand
for it; we must come to a stop somewhere, even though
each square yard, by extreme improvements in cultivation,
could maintain its man: in this state of things
there will be no remedy, the wholesome checks of vice
and misery (which have hitherto kept this principle
within bounds) will have been done away; the voice
of reason will be unheard; the passions only will bear
sway; famine, distress, havoc, and dismay will spread
around; hatred, violence, war, and bloodshed will
be the infallible consequence, and from the pinnacle
of happiness, peace, refinement, and social advantage,
we shall be hurled once more into a profounder abyss
of misery, want, and barbarism than ever, by the sole
operation of the principle of population!”—Such
is a brief abstract of the argument of the Essay.
Can any thing be less conclusive, a more complete fallacy
and petitio principii? Mr. Malthus concedes,
he assumes a state of perfectibility, such as his
opponents imagined, in which the general good is to
obtain the entire mastery of individual interests,
and reason of gross appetites and passions; and then
he argues that such a perfect structure of society
will fall by its own weight, or rather be undermined
by the principle of population, because in the highest
possible state of the subjugation of the passions
to reason, they will be absolutely lawless and unchecked,
and because as men become enlightened, quick sighted
and public-spirited, they will shew themselves utterly
blind to the consequences of their actions, utterly
indifferent to their own well-being and that of all
succeeding generations, whose fate is placed in their
hands. This we conceive to be the boldest paralogism
that ever was offered to the world, or palmed upon
willing credulity. Against whatever other scheme
of reform this objection might be valid, the one it
was brought expressly to overturn was impregnable against
it, invulnerable to its slightest graze. Say
that the Utopian reasoners are visionaries, unfounded;
that the state of virtue and knowledge they suppose,
in which reason shall have become all-in-all, can never
take place, that it is inconsistent with the nature
of man and with all experience, well and good—but
to say that society will have attained this high and
“palmy state,” that reason will have become
the master-key to all our motives, and that when
arrived at its greatest power it will cease to act
at all, but will fall down dead, inert, and senseless
before the principle of population, is an opinion which
one would think few people would choose to advance
or assent to, without strong inducements for maintaining
or believing it.