parties poisons the well-springs of national liberty, and the other employs against its adversary the venomed weapons of political fanaticism, shall we voluntarily and unnecessarily associate ourselves with either, and become responsible for the infliction upon either of such unusual calamities?  While I reject, therefore, with disdain, a suggestion which I have somewhere heard, of the possibility of our engaging against the Spanish cause, still I do not feel myself called upon to join with Spain in hostilities of such peculiar character as those which she may possibly retaliate upon France.  Not being bound to do so by any obligation, expressed or implied, I cannot consent to be a party to a war in which, if Spain should chance to be successful, the result to France, and, through France, to all Europe, might, in the case supposed, be such as no thinking man can contemplate without dismay; and such as I (for my own part) would not assist in producing, for all the advantages which England could reap from the most successful warfare.

I now come to the third consideration which we had to weigh—­the situation of Portugal.  It is perfectly true, as was stated by the honourable gentleman (Mr. Macdonald) who opened this debate, that we are bound by treaty to assist Portugal in case of her being attacked.  It is perfectly true that this is an ancient and reciprocal obligation.  It is perfectly true that Portugal has often been in jeopardy; and equally true that England has never failed to fly to her assistance.  But much misconception has been exhibited during the last two nights, with respect to the real nature of the engagements between Portugal and this country:  a misconception which has undoubtedly been, in part, created by the publication of some detached portions of diplomatic correspondence at Lisbon.  The truth is, that some time ago an application was made to this Government by Portugal to ’guarantee the new political institutions’ of that kingdom.  I do not know that it has been the practice of this country to guarantee the political institutions of another.  Perhaps something of the sort may be found in the history of our connexion with the united provinces of Holland, in virtue of which we interfered, in 1786, in the internal disputes of the authorities in that State.  But that case was a special exception:  the general rule is undoubtedly the other way.  I declined, therefore, on the part of Great Britain, to accede to this strange application; and I endeavoured to reconcile the Portuguese Government to our refusal, by showing that the demand was one which went directly to the infraction of that principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, which we professed for ourselves, and which it was obviously the interest of Portugal to see respected and maintained.  Our obligations had been contracted with the old Portuguese monarchy.  Our treaty bound us to consult the external safety of Portugal; and not to examine, to challenge, or to