RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN

APRIL 25, 1793 THE PARTITION OF POLAND

The people of England ought to know what were the views of the Minister upon this war, and to what extent it was to be carried, that they might not be proceeding under a delusion.  Supposing we had gained our original purpose, he wanted to know how peace was to be obtained, without negotiation with those who have the exercise of government.  If we countenanced the memorial of Lord Auckland, we should say, that the whole National Convention—­all the members of the districts—­in short, about eight or nine millions of people, must be put to death, before we can negotiate for peace.  Supposing that we were to join the conspiracy to dictate a form of government to France, he then should wish to know what sort of government it was that we were to insist on.  Were we to take the form of it from that exercised by the Emperor, or that of the King of Prussia? or was it to be formed by the lady who so mildly conducted the affairs of Russia? or were they all to lay their heads together, and by the assistance of the Pope, dictate a form of government to France?  Were the French to have a constitution, such as the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Burke) was likely to applaud?  Indeed, he feared that this was not yet settled; and there were various specimens of what had been already thought of by different Powers.  There were two manifestoes of the Prince of Coburg; the one promised the form of government chosen by themselves, in which they agreed to have a monarchy, and afterwards, in the course of four days, this promise was retracted in consequence of the accession of Dumourier to the confederacy.  What would the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Burke) say if they should not give the French the form of the constitution of Poland, or would he content himself with saying, they ought not to have such a constitution?  He believed that neither the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor any of his supporters, would say anything at present upon that subject.  It appeared, however, somewhat mysterious, perhaps, that after the Congress at Antwerp, in which Great Britain was not unrepresented, that the intention of the combined Powers had altered, and that a much more sanguinary mode was to be pursued against France than had been before intended; and perhaps the time might come when the parties might follow the example set by the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, and affirm that these were threats which were not intended to be carried into execution.  But this was not the way to amuse us.  The people of England would not long be content to remain in the dark as to the object of the war.  Again he must ask, what was the object of the war?  Again he must ask, what was the object of our pursuit in conjunction with the other Powers against France?  Was it to restore the ancient tyranny and despotism of that nation?  This would please some people,