revolutionary principles.  In Europe, the propagation of the principles of France had uniformly prepared the way for the progress of its arms.  To India, the lovers of peace had sent the messengers of Jacobinism, for the purpose of inculcating war in those distant regions, on Jacobin principles, and of forming Jacobin clubs, which they actually succeeded in establishing, and which in most respects resembled the European model, but which were distinguished by this peculiarity, that they were required to swear in one breath, hatred to tyranny, the love of liberty, and the destruction of all kings and sovereigns—­except the good and faithful ally of the French Republic, CITIZEN TIPPOO.

What, then, was the nature of this system?  Was it anything but what I have stated it to be—­an insatiable love of aggrandizement, an implacable spirit of destruction directed against all the civil and religious institutions of every country?  This is the first moving and acting spirit of the French revolution; this is the spirit which animated it at its birth, and this is the spirit which will not desert it till the moment of its dissolution, ’which grew with its growth, which strengthened with its strength,’ but which has not abated under its misfortunes nor declined in its decay; it has been invariably the same in every period, operating more or less, according as accident or circumstances might assist it; but it has been inherent in the revolution in all its stages, it has equally belonged to Brissot, to Robespierre, to Tallien, to Reubel, to Barras, and to every one of the leaders of the Directory, but to none more than to Buonaparte, in whom now all their powers are united.  What are its characters?  Can it be accident that produced them?  No, it is only from the alliance of the most horrid principles with the most horrid means, that such miseries could have been brought upon Europe.  It is this paradox, which we must always keep in mind when we are discussing any question relative to the effects of the French revolution.  Groaning under every degree of misery, the victim of its own crimes, and, as I once before expressed it in this House, asking pardon of God and of man for the miseries which it has brought upon itself and others, France still retains (while it has neither left means of comfort nor almost of subsistence to its own inhabitants) new and unexampled means of annoyance and destruction against all the other Powers of Europe.

Its first fundamental principle was to bribe the poor against the rich, by proposing to transfer into new hands, on the delusive notion of equality, and in breach of every principle of justice, the whole property of the country; the practical application of this principle was to devote the whole of that property to indiscriminate plunder, and to make it the foundation of a revolutionary system of finance, productive in proportion to the misery and desolation which it created.  It has been accompanied by an unwearied spirit of proselytism,