if not mainly, by the acknowledgement of all Europe,
due to the steps taken by my right hon. friend that
the area of the conflict was limited, and that, so
far as the Great Powers are concerned, peace was maintained.
If his efforts upon this occasion have, unhappily,
been less successful, I am certain that this House
and the country, and I will add posterity and history,
will accord to him what is, after all, the best tribute
that can be paid to any statesman: that, never
derogating for an instant or by an inch from the honour
and interests of his own country, he has striven,
as few men have striven, to maintain and preserve
the greatest interest of all countries—universal
peace. These papers which are now in the hands
of hon. members show something more than that.
They show what were the terms which were offered to
us in exchange for our neutrality. I trust that
not only the members of this House, but all our fellow
subjects everywhere will read the communications,
will read, learn, and mark the communications which
passed only a week ago to-day between Berlin and London
in this matter. The terms by which it was sought
to buy our neutrality are contained in the communication
made by the German Chancellor to Sir Edward Goschen
on the 29th July, No. 85 of the published Paper.
I think I must refer to them for a moment. After
referring to the state of things as between Austria
and Russia, Sir Edward Goschen goes on:
He then proceeded to make the following strong bid for British neutrality. He said that it was clear, so far as he was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be. That, however, was not the object at which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imperial Government—
Let the House observe these words:
aimed at no territorial acquisition at
the expense of France
should they prove victorious in any war
that might ensue.
Sir Edward Goschen proceeded to put a very pertinent question:
I questioned his Excellency about the French colonies—
What are the French colonies? They mean every
part of the dominions
and possessions of France outside the geographical
area of Europe—
and he said that he was unable to give
a similar undertaking
in that respect.
Let me come to what, in my mind, personally, has always been the crucial and almost the governing consideration, namely, the position of the small States:
As regards Holland, however, his Excellency said that so long as Germany’s adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give His Majesty’s Government an assurance that she would do likewise.
Then we come to Belgium: