These were the happy conditions under which Her Majesty’s Ministers entered office, and which they enjoyed when they began to move in the question of Denmark.  Two years ago, and even less, there was a cordial understanding between England, France, and Russia upon this question or any question which might arise between Germany and Denmark.  What cards to play!  What advantages in the management of affairs!  It seemed, indeed, that they might reasonably look forward to a future which would justify the confidence of Parliament; when they might point with pride to what they had accomplished, and appeal to public opinion to support them.  But what has happened?  They have alienated Russia, they have estranged France, and then they call Parliament together to declare war against Germany.  Why, such a thing never happened before in the history of this country.  Nay, more, I do not think it can ever happen again.  It is one of those portentous results which occur now and then to humiliate and depress the pride of nations, and to lower our confidence in human intellect.  Well, Sir, as the difficulties increase, as the obstacles are multiplied, as the consequences of the perpetual errors and constant mistakes are gradually becoming more apparent, you always find Her Majesty’s Government nearer war.  As in private life we know it is the weak who are always violent, so it is with Her Majesty’s Ministers.  As long as they are confident in their allies, as long as they possess the cordial sympathy of the Great Powers, they speak with moderation, they counsel with dignity; but, like all incompetent men, when they are in extreme difficulty, they can see but one resource, and that is force.  When affairs cannot be arranged in peace you see them turning first to St. Petersburg—­that was a bold dispatch which was sent to St. Petersburg in January last, to ask Russia to declare war against Germany—­and twice to Paris, entreating that violence may be used to extricate them from the consequences of their own mistakes.  It is only by giving Government credit, as I have been doing throughout, for the complete sincerity of their expressions and conduct, that their behaviour is explicable.  Assume that their policy was a war policy, and it is quite intelligible.  Whenever difficulties arise, their resolution is instantly to have recourse to violence.  Every word they utter, every dispatch they write, seems always to look to a scene of collision.  What is the state of Europe at this moment?  What is the state of Europe produced by this management of our affairs?  I know not what other honourable gentlemen may think, but it appears to me most serious.  I find the great German Powers openly avowing that it is not in their capacity to fulfil their engagements.  I find Europe impotent to vindicate public law because all the great alliances are broken down; and I find a proud and generous nation like England shrinking with the reserve of magnanimity from the responsibility of commencing war, yet sensitively smarting under the impression that her honour is stained—­stained by pledges which ought not to have been given, and expectations which I maintain ought never to have been held out by wise and competent statesmen.