very act of heaping upon us injuries and insults,
was of itself the cause of war? So far from it,
that even the very nations of Europe, whose wisdom
and moderation have been repeatedly extolled for maintaining
neutrality, and preserving friendship, with the French
Republic, remained for years subsequent to this period
without receiving from it any accredited Minister,
or doing any one act to acknowledge its political
existence. In answer to a representation from
the belligerent Powers, in December, 1793, Count Bernstorff,
the Minister of Denmark, officially declared that
’It was well known that the National Convention
had appointed M. Grouville Minister-Plenipotentiary
at Denmark, but that it was also well known that he
had neither been received nor acknowledged in that
quality’. And as late as February, 1796,
when the same Minister was at length, for the first
time, received in his official capacity, Count Bernstorff,
in a public note, assigned this reason for that change
of conduct—’So long as no other than
a revolutionary Government existed in France, His Majesty
could not acknowledge the Minister of that Government;
but now that the French Constitution is completely
organized, and a regular Government established in
France, His Majesty’s obligation ceases in that
respect, and M. Grouville will therefore be acknowledged
in the usual form.’ How far the Court of
Denmark was justified in the opinion that a revolutionary
Government then no longer existed in France, it is
not now necessary to inquire; but whatever may have
been the fact, in that respect, the principle on which
they acted is clear and intelligible, and is a decisive
instance in favour of the proposition which I have
maintained.
Is it then necessary to examine what were the terms
of that ultimatum, with which we refused to comply?
Acts of hostility had been openly threatened against
our allies, an hostility founded upon the assumption
of a right which would at once supersede the whole
law of nations: a demand was made by France upon
Holland to open the navigation of the Scheldt, on
the ground of a general and national right, in violation
of positive treaty; this claim we discussed, at the
time, not so much on account of its immediate importance
(though it was important both in a maritime and commercial
view), as on account of the general principle on which
it was founded. On the same arbitrary notion
they soon afterwards discovered that sacred law of
nature, which made the Rhine and the Alps the legitimate
boundaries of France, and assumed the power which
they have affected to exercise through the whole of
the revolution, of superseding, by a new code of their
own, all the recognized principles of the law of nations.
They were actually advancing towards the republic
of Holland, by rapid strides, after the victory of
Jemappe, and they had ordered their generals to pursue
the Austrian troops into any neutral country:
thereby explicitly avowing an intention of invading