I pointed out to M. Hall also that if, on the one hand, Her Majesty’s Government would never counsel the Danish Government to yield anything inconsistent with the honour and independence of the Danish Crown, and the integrity of the King’s dominions; so, on the other hand, we had a right to expect that the Danish Government would not, by putting forward extreme pretensions, drive matters to extremities.

And Sir Augustus Paget, who appears to have performed his duty with great temper and talent, writing on December 22, says: 

I asked M. Hall to reflect what would be the position of Denmark if the advice of the Powers were refused, and what it would be if accepted, and to draw his own conclusions. (No. 4, 420.)

Now, I ask, what are the conclusions which any gentleman—­I do not care on what side of the House he may sit—­would have drawn from such language as that?  But before that, a special interview took place between Lord Wodehouse and the Danish Minister, of which Lord Wodehouse writes: 

It was my duty to declare to M. Hall that if the Danish Government rejected our advice, Her Majesty’s Government must leave Denmark to encounter Germany on her own responsibility.

Well, Sir, I ask again whether there are two interpretations to be put upon such observations as these?  And what happened?  It was impossible for M. Hall, who was the author of the constitution, to put an end to it; so he resigned—­a new Government is formed, and under the new constitution Parliament is absolutely called together to pass an Act to terminate its own existence.  And in January Sir Augustus Paget tells the Danish Government with some naivete: 

If they would summon the Rigsraad, and propose a repeal of the constitution, they would act wisely, in accordance with the advice of their friends, and the responsibility of the war would not be laid at their door.

Well, then, these were three great subjects on which the representation of England induced Denmark to adopt a course against her will, and, as the Danes believed, against their policy.  The plot begins to thicken.  Notwithstanding the revocation of the patent, the federal execution, and the repeal of the constitution, one thing more is wanted, and Schleswig is about to be invaded.  Affairs now become most critical.  No sooner is this known than a very haughty menace is sent to Austria.  From a dispatch of Lord Bloomfield, dated December 31, it will be seen that Austria was threatened, if Schleswig was invaded, that: 

The consequences would be serious.  The question would cease to be a purely German one, and would become one of European importance.

On January 4, Earl Russell writes to Mr. Murray, at the Court of Saxony: 

The most serious consequences are to be apprehended if the Germans invade Schleswig. (No. 4, 481.)

On the 9th, again, he writes to Dresden: 

The line taken by Saxony destroys confidence in diplomatic relations with that State. (No. 4, 502.)