All this elaborate and, I may venture to say—­not using the word offensively, but accurately—­pragmatical correspondence of the noble lord on the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein was carried on in perfect ignorance on the part of the people of this country, who found very little interest in the subject; and even in Europe, where affairs of diplomacy always attract more attention, little notice was taken of it.  This correspondence, however, culminated in a celebrated dispatch which appeared in the autumn of 1862, and then, for the first time, a very great effect was produced in Europe generally—­certainly in Germany and France—­and some interest began to be excited in England.  Sir, the effect of the Secretary of State’s management of these transactions had been this, that he had encouraged—­I will not now stop to inquire whether intentionally or not, but it is a fact that he had encouraged—­the views of what is called the German party in this controversy.  That had been the effect of the noble lord’s general interference, but especially it was the result of the dispatch which appeared in the autumn of 1862.  But, Sir, something shortly and in consequence occurred which removed that impression.  Germany being agitated on the subject, England at last, in 1863, having had her attention called to the case, which began to produce some disquietude, and gentlemen in this House beginning to direct their attention to it, shortly before the prorogation of Parliament, the state of affairs caused such a degree of public anxiety, that it was deemed necessary that an inquiry should be addressed to Her Majesty’s Government on the subject, and that some means should be taken to settle the uneasiness which prevailed, by obtaining from Ministers a declaration of their policy generally with regard to Denmark.

Sir, that appeal was not made, as I need hardly assure or even remind the House—­for many were witnesses to it—­in any party spirit, or in any way animated.  I will say, by that disciplined arrangement with which public questions are by both sides of the House in general very properly brought before us.  It was at the end of the session, when few were left, and when the answer of Her Majesty’s Ministers could not at all affect the position of parties, though it might be of inestimable interest and importance in its effect on the opinion of Europe and on the course of events.  That question was brought forward by an honourable friend of mine (Mr. Seymour Fitz-Gerald) who always speaks on these subjects with the authority of one who knows what he is talking about.  Well, Sir, a communication was made to the noble lord the First Minister on the subject, and it was understood on this side of the House, from the previous declarations of the noble lord, and our experience of his career generally, that it was not an appeal which would be disagreeable to him, or one which he would have any desire to avoid.  The noble lord was not taken by surprise.  He was communicated with privately, and he himself fixed the day—­it was a morning sitting—­when he would come down and explain the views of the Government in regard to our relations with Denmark.