say, not unjust—­that we allured her on to her ruin; that we gave the Turks a right to believe that we should support them; that our ambassadors, Sir Henry Elliot and Sir Austin Layard, both of them said we had most vital interests in maintaining Turkey as it was, and consequently the Turks thought if we had vital interests, we should certainly defend them; and they were thereby lured on into that ruinous, cruel, and destructive war with Russia.  But by our conduct to the Slavonic populations we alienated those populations from us.  We made our name odious among them.  They had every disposition to sympathize with us, every disposition to confide in us.  They are, as a people, desirous of freedom, desirous of self-government, with no aggressive views, but hating the idea of being absorbed in a huge despotic empire like Russia.  But when they found that we, and the other Powers of Europe under our unfortunate guidance, declined to become in any manner their champions in defence of the rights of life, of property, and of female honour—­when they found that there was no call which could find its way to the heart of England through its Government, or to the hearts of the other Powers, and that Russia alone was disposed to fight for them, why, naturally they said, Russia is our friend.  We have done everything, gentlemen, in our power to drive these populations into the arms of Russia.  If Russia has aggressive dispositions in the direction of Turkey—­and I think it probable that she may have them—­it is we who have laid the ground upon which Russia may make her march to the south—­we who have taught the Bulgarians, the Servians, the Roumanians, the Montenegrins, that there is one Power in Europe, and only one, which is ready to support in act and by the sword her professions of sympathy with the oppressed populations of Turkey.  That power is Russia; and how can you blame these people, if in such circumstances, they are disposed to say, Russia is our friend?  But why did we make them say it?  Simply because of the policy of the Government, not because of the wishes of the people of this country.  Gentlemen, this is the most dangerous form of aggrandizing Russia.  If Russia is aggressive anywhere, if Russia is formidable anywhere, it is by movements towards the south, it is by schemes for acquiring command of the Straits or of Constantinople; and there is no way by which you can possibly so much assist her in giving reality to these designs, as by inducing and disposing the populations of these provinces, who are now in virtual possession of them, to look upon Russia as their champion and their friend, to look upon England as their disguised, perhaps, but yet real and effective enemy.