every possible effort in favour of the treaty.
We are in full communication with friendly and neutral
Powers on the subject of maintaining neutrality, and
upon every side the very best dispositions prevail.
There is the greatest inclination to abstain from all
officious intermeddling between two Powers who, from
their vast means and resources, are perfectly competent
for the conduct of their own affairs; and there is
not a less strong and decided desire on the part of
every Power to take every step at the present moment
that can contribute to restrict and circumscribe the
area of the war, and to be ready without having lost
or forfeited the confidence of either belligerent
to avail itself of the first opportunity that may present
itself to contribute towards establishing a peace which
shall be honourable, and which shall present the promise
of being permanent. That is the general state
of the case, with regard to which I do not, in the
least degree, question the right of the hon. member
behind me to form his own judgement. I cannot
help expressing the opinion that, allowing for all
the difficulties of the case, and the rapidity with
which it was necessary to conduct these operations,
we have done all that appeared to be essential in
the matter; and the country may feel assured that
the conduct which we have pursued in relation to this
matter has not been unworthy of the high responsibility
with which we are entrusted.
WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE
NOVEMBER 27, 1879
RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF FOREIGN POLICY
Gentlemen, I ask you again to go with me beyond the
seas. And as I wish to do full justice, I will
tell you what I think to be the right principles of
foreign policy; and then, as far as your patience and
my strength will permit, I will, at any rate for a
short time, illustrate those right principles by some
of the departures from them that have taken place
of late years. I first give you, gentlemen, what
I think the right principles of foreign policy.
The first thing is to foster the strength of the Empire
by just legislation and economy at home, thereby producing
two of the great elements of national power—namely,
wealth, which is a physical element, and union and
contentment, which are moral elements—and
to reserve the strength of the Empire, to reserve
the expenditure of that strength, for great and worthy
occasions abroad. Here is my first principle of
foreign policy: good government at home.
My second principle of foreign policy is this:
that its aim ought to be to preserve to the nations
of the world—and especially, were it but
for shame, when we recollect the sacred name we bear
as Christians, especially to the Christian nations
of the world—the blessings of peace.
That is my second principle.