these principles, when persons who would now disavow them fall by some fatality into an unavoidable acknowledgement of them?  The objections that have been raised to peace have been entirely Jacobinical.  If we seek for peace, it must be done in the spirit of peace.  We are not to make it a question who was the first aggressor, or endeavour to throw the blame that may attach to us on our enemy.  Such circumstances should be consigned to oblivion, as tending to no one useful purpose.  France, in the beginning of the Revolution, had conceived many romantic notions.  She was to put an end to war, and produce, by a pure form of government, a perfectibility of mind which before had never been realized.  The monarchs of Europe, seeing the prevalence of these new principles, trembled for their thrones.  France, also, perceiving the hostility of kings to her projects, supposed she could not be a republic without the overthrow of thrones.  Such has been the regular progress of cause and effect; but who was the first aggressor, with whom the jealousy first arose, need not now be a matter of discussion.  Both the republic, and the monarchs who opposed her, acted on the same principles:  the latter said they must exterminate Jacobins, and the former that they must destroy monarchs.  From this source have all the calamities of Europe flowed; and it is now a waste of time and argument to inquire farther into the subject.  Now, Sir, let us come to matter of fact.  Has not France renounced and reprobated those Jacobin principles, which created her so many enemies?  Are not all her violent invectives against regular governments come into disesteem?  Has not the Abbe Sieyes, who wrote in favour of monarchy—­has not Buonaparte—­condemned the Jacobinical excesses of the Revolution in the most pointed manner, the very men who have had so large a share in the formation of the present Government?  But I maintain that Buonaparte himself is also a friend to peace.  There is in his correspondence with the Ministers of this country a total renunciation of Jacobinical principles.  In the dread, therefore, of these, I can see no argument for the continuance of war.  A man who is surprised at the revolution of sentiment in individuals or nations shows but little experience.  Such instances occur every day.  Neither would a wise man always attach to principles the most serious consequences.  Left to themselves, the absurd and dangerous would soon disappear, and wisdom establish herself only the more secure on their ruins.  I am a friend to peace at this time, because I think Buonaparte would be as good a friend and neighbour to this country as ever were any of the Bourbons.  I think also that there can be no time when we can hope to have better terms.  If the King of Prussia should join France, such an alliance would greatly change the state of things; and from her long and honourable neutrality, in spite of the remonstrance and entreaties of this country, an event of that kind