on that subject, not merely when occupying the position I now hold, but for many years past when these questions were under discussion—­if, what is infinitely more important, the unanimous feeling (for I believe it to amount to unanimity both of Parliament and the people out of doors)—­the feeling that we ought not to be dragged into these Continental wars—­if all these things, taken together, do not constitute a guarantee that ours will be a pacific policy, a policy of observation rather than of action—­then I am unable to understand in what language a stronger guarantee can be given.  But if what is meant is intervention of a different character—­intervention in the shape of friendly advice tendered by a neutral Power, then I think the question whether intervention of that kind is under particular circumstances desirable or not is a question which must necessarily be left to the discretion of the executive Government.  I am not personally very fond of the system of giving advice to foreign countries.  I entirely agree with what has been said by the right hon. gentleman opposite upon the subject, when he said that you are never more likely to lessen the influence of England than when you are constantly endeavouring to increase it by giving advice.  I think that the right of giving advice has of late years been largely used; and that it has sometimes been not only used, but abused.  Still, there is truth in the proverb which says that lookers-on see more of the game than the players; and cases do occur when warning given by a friendly and neutral Power—­by a Power which is well known to have no interest of its own to serve, by a Power desiring nothing more than the restoration of peace, and that that peace shall be permanent—­may do something to shorten the duration and limit the extent of a war that might otherwise spread over the greater part of Europe.  As to the state of affairs at the present moment—­for that, I apprehend, is the practical question on which the House wishes an answer from me, I wish distinctly to assure hon. gentlemen and the country that the British Government stand, as regards the European controversy, free, unpledged, and uncommitted to any policy whatever.  The sole diplomatic act which the present Government have taken—­and it was almost the first act of any kind they had to perform—­was that of supporting in general terms at Florence and Berlin the proposition made by the French Government for a temporary cessation of hostilities.  It seemed to us that to support that proposition was on our part simply an act of humanity and common sense.  The House will recollect what were the circumstances of the case.  Venice had been ceded, not indeed to Italy, but ceded by Austria.  A great battle had been fought, a decisive victory had been gained, Austria had invoked the mediation of France.  France had accepted the post of mediator.  She asked us to support, not the terms of peace—­that would have been premature—­but merely the