me to arrive at a different conclusion.  I cannot but think, in the first place, that we should suffer perhaps considerably if our commercial marine was exposed to depredations such as might take place in the event of our being at war with Germany.  That is one consideration which ought not to be overlooked.  But there are other considerations of still greater moment.  One is—­Would our interference bring this war to a conclusion?  Without giving military aid could you recover Schleswig and Holstein, and even Jutland from the Austrian and Prussian forces?  Well, my Lords, we have for a long time in our conduct of foreign affairs shown great forbearance and patience.  I think we were right in being forbearing, and think we were justified in being patient.  But if our honour or our interests or the great interests of Europe should call upon us to interfere, I think such interference ought to be clearly effectual, as nothing would more tend to diminish the influence of this country than a course of action which would show that while we were predominant at sea, and that no Austrian or Prussian ships of war could venture to leave port, yet at the same time our interference could not ensure, as we hoped it would, the safety of Denmark, nor lead to a speedy termination of the war.  But, my Lords, the whole position and influence of this country with regard to foreign countries ought to be fully considered by Parliament and by the country; for we have great interests with multiplied complications arising from various connexions and various treaties with every part of the world.  It is no longer a question with reference to the balance of power in Europe.  There are other parts of the world in which our interests may be as deeply involved, and in which we may some day or other find it necessary to maintain the honour and interests of this country.  The civil war now raging in America, ending how it may—­whether by the establishment of an independent republic in the South, or whether it ends most unexpectedly, as it would be to me, I confess, by restoring the Union—­still the United States of America or the Northern States, or whatever they may be called, will then be in a totally different position to that which they were in a few years ago.  A great army will then be maintained by the United States.  A formidable navy will also be kept up.  Our relations with that Power are liable at any moment to interruption.  I hope and trust that our friendly relations may continue uninterrupted; still, those relations must be considered and kept in view as well as our interest in the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe.  My Lords, let us look at other parts of the world.  Look at the great commerce which has grown up in China, where it is necessary for us always to maintain a considerable naval force to protect it.  Look at our immense possessions in India and see how necessary it is that they should be considered at all times.  In any question, therefore, of peace or war—­while