the law of the Confederation the Prince of Augustenburg was the proper heir to the throne.  This declaration, adopted almost throughout the whole of Germany, was received with applause not only by the popular, but by the Conservative party:  by persons of the highest rank as well as by the general mass of the community; and every Government that pretended to adhere to the Treaty of 1852 was denounced as recreant to the cause of Germany.  In this state of affairs the Governments of Austria and of Prussia took a somewhat singular and not very defensible course.  In the beginning they declared in the Diet that, having a majority in favour of this declaration, they would proceed to Federal Execution—­thereby, to all appearance, making the present King of Denmark responsible for that which was done by the late King, and to all intents and purposes, as it would seem, acknowledging his sovereignty over Holstein.  They, at the same time, however, somewhat privately and without the general knowledge of Europe, declared that they reserved the question of the succession.  It did not appear to the Danish Government, nor did it appear to Her Majesty’s Government, that Federal Execution could be resisted without increasing the complications of the position.  But, immediately after that took place, Austria and Prussia declared that they must occupy the Duchy of Schleswig in order to obtain the fulfilment of the engagements of 1852.  Your Lordships are well aware that shortly before that declaration the Government of Denmark announced that they were ready to repeal the Constitution of November, 1863, which was the apparent ground of the proposed Federal Execution.  Unfortunately, they had not acceded to that proposal when Lord Wodehouse went to Copenhagen, and when the concession might have been effectual.  The German Governments, in their hurry to go to war, and being evidently determined on going to war—­in the first place in order to gratify the German sentiment on the subject—­took no heed of the proposal which was made by the British Government, and which was supported by France and Russia, that a protocol should be signed by the different Governments, binding Denmark to a repeal of the Constitution of November, and the German troops of Austria and Prussia entered Schleswig.  I think it was impossible for the British Government to give any advice on this occasion.  It was evidently the invasion of a territory which did not in any way belong to Germany, and a territory to which according to our view the King of Denmark had the fullest right.  It was said that it was to be occupied as ‘a material guarantee’; but no country is, I conceive, obliged to submit to an occupation of its territory which it believes it has the power and right to resist.  Your Lordships are fully aware of the events of the war which subsequently took place.  It resulted, as must naturally be expected, in the defeat of the Danes and the occupation of the Duchies by an overwhelming force of Austrian