to that of the 1,600,000 inhabitants of the kingdom of Denmark.  This was evidently so unfair and calculated to be so destructive of Danish independence and nationality, that Denmark refused to accede to it.  It was, in fact such a proposal as if Scotland and Ireland were to demand each an equal number of representatives with England in the Imperial Parliament.  The consequence of these disputes, unfortunately, was, that instead of the treaty taking root and fully satisfying the wishes of the people of the Duchies, there was a kind of never-ceasing irritation which burst forth as occasion arose; and, as Germany was greatly more powerful than Denmark, it was but too probable that the latter would have to suffer one day on account of the complaints which were made by the Germans.  It was impossible not to foresee that such would probably be the consequence, and that the irritation to which I allude would not go on for ever without exciting great dissension and perhaps war.  Therefore, in September, 1862, when I was at Brussels in attendance on Her Majesty, I explained to Sir Augustus Paget, who was shortly about to return to Denmark, a plan of pacification which it appeared to me would keep the Duchies under the rule of the King of Denmark; which would be satisfactory to themselves; which would give them a Minister for Schleswig and a body of representatives; a Minister for Holstein and a body of representatives, and would thus put an end for ever to the demand that at Copenhagen there should sit a majority of representatives for the Duchies.  The Danish Government—­as I think unfortunately—­utterly rejected that proposal, and matters went on in the same unsatisfactory state.  The diplomatic correspondence which the British Government proposed should take place did take place between Germany and Denmark, but it only produced increased bitterness and further irritation.  At length in October, 1863, the German Governments at Frankfort declared that they must proceed to Federal Execution.  If, my Lords, that Federal Execution had been founded on any infringement of the rights of Holstein—­if it had been founded solely upon the misgovernment of Holstein, or on any violation of the rights of the Confederation, no Power would, I think, be entitled to complain of it.  It embraced, however, a point which had nothing to do with Federal rule—­the point of an equal representation at Copenhagen.  It was then that the British Government declared that that could not be a matter of indifference, because it aimed, in fact, not only at the integrity, but at the independence, of Denmark.  Things remained in this state until the death of the King of Denmark, which produced an entire alteration in the state of affairs.  It was then contended on behalf of Germany that, after looking closely into some very intricate questions of representative and hereditary succession, they were bound to declare that the King of Denmark had no right to succeed to the Duchies, but that by