to exist without much secular authority, or when as
Bishop of Rome he exercised very extensive spiritual
authority without corresponding temporal power.
The progress of the one, however, went along with
that of the other; and just as the Pope had extended
his temporal dominions by encroachments of his own,
and by gifts like those of Pepin and Charlemagne, the
Exarchate and Pentapolis, uniting the patrimony of
St. Peter, and adding to it little by little until
he got a good large slice in Italy, just in proportion
as his temporal authority increased did he attain so
overwhelming influence over the councils of Europe.
His temporal force increased his spiritual authority,
because it made him more independent. Stript
of that secular dominion, he would become the slave
now of one Power—then of another—one
day the slave of Spain, another of Austria, another
of France, or, worst of all, as the Pope has recently
been, the slave of his own factious and rebellious
subjects. His temporal power is an European question,
not a local or a religious one; and the Pope’s
authority should be maintained for the sake of the
peace and the interests of Europe. We ourselves
have 7,000,000 of Roman Catholic subjects, Austria
has 30,000,000, Prussia has 7,000,000 or 8,000,000.
France is a Catholic country, so is Belgium, so are
the peninsulas of Italy and Spain; and how is it possible
to suppose that, unless the Pope has enough temporal
authority to keep him independent of the other European
Courts, jealousies and intrigues will not arise which
must reduce him to a state of dependency, and so enable
any one country wielding the enormous influence of
his spiritual authority to foster intrigues, faction,
even rebellion, in the dominions of her rivals?
Probably, as General Oudinot has sent the keys of
Rome to the Pope at Gaeta, it is his intention to
restore the temporal authority of the Pope. There
are difficulties in the way of the French General
remaining at Rome, the inhabitants of which naturally
do not like to see an army of some thousands encamped
in their town, and there are difficulties in the way
of his leaving Rome; but there is no way so easy of
overcoming those difficulties as a general congress
to settle the affairs of Europe; and I do not consider
that a clearer course can lie before France than to
propose it, or that she can find a safer and a more
creditable way out of her present embarrassments in
Italy.
I now come to a part of the subject which I have only originally glanced at, the state of our relations with the southern part of the Italian peninsula. On the 16th of December, 1847, the noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs (Lord Palmerston) wrote to Lord Minto, directing him to request an audience