impatient at the suspension of their triumph, but whilst many more were anxious that in future ages the French should not be ranked with the Goths and Vandals of past times; and I feel that the greatest gratitude is due to the French general and to the French army for the humane and generous spirit that tempered the valour which they displayed before Rome.  What they are to do now there is a very different question.  I believe that their difficulties are not yet over.  I believe they are only now begun, and that is one reason why I urge to my noble friend opposite, the propriety of calling a general congress for the settlement of the disturbed affairs of Europe.  The difficulties of the French army and the French Government at Rome are so great that an acute people, like that of France, cannot shut its eyes to them.  They must see how little they have gained even of that for which the Red Republicans of France are so eager—­military glory.  If that was the aim of the Paris multitude, which I more than suspect, of their rulers it could not be the purpose, unless they yielded up their better judgement to the influence of the rabble, for assuredly, while exposing them to every embarrassment in their foreign relations, and augmenting their financial difficulties, they must have seen that it was an enterprise in which success could give their country little glory, while failure must cover it with disgrace.  But what signifies to France the loss of such renown as victory bestows?  What to her is the forgoing of one sprig of laurel more in addition to the accumulated honours of her victorious career?  The multitude of Paris rather than France, the statesmen of the club and coffee-house, the politicians of the salons, the reasoners of the Boulevards, may retain their thirst for such additions, such superfluous additions, to the national fame.  The sounder reasoners, the true statesmen, have, I trust, learnt a better lesson, and will teach her gallant people to prefer the more virtuous and more lasting glories of peace.

But whatever the Paris mob, in the drawing-rooms or in the streets, may have desired, I am confident the Government, if left to itself, had one object only in view, the rescue of Rome from the usurpation of a foreign rabble, and restoring the authority of the Pope, whom that rabble’s violence had driven from his States.  And here let me say a word which may not be popular in some quarters, and among some of my noble friends, upon the separation of the temporal and spiritual authority of the Pope.  My opinion is that it will not do to say the Pope is all very well as a spiritual prince, but we ought not to restore his temporal power.  That is a short-sighted and I think a somewhat superficial view of the case.  I do not believe it possible that the Pope could exercise beneficially his spiritual functions if he had no temporal power.  For what would be the consequence?  He would be stripped of all his authority.  We are not now in the eighth century, when the Pope contrived