appearance, but amounting in substance to downright menace.  ‘You had better not go’, we said, ’into Italy—­you had better not invade any ally of ours—­you had better not think of going to Turin or to Rome, for if you do, we shall consider it a matter deserving of grave consideration.’  That was not the language in which we addressed the other party.  To Austria we were suaviter in modo, fortiter in re.  But Sardinia was gently and amicably told, ’If you do so act, it will be very much against your true interests.  It will be wiser not to do anything of the kind.  Pray don’t for your own sake.’  But no threat, nor anything like a threat.  Sardinia was not told, as Austria was, that it would be matter of great importance if she budged a foot out of her own dominions.  And all this diversity of treatment, all this reprimand of Austria, was designed to be made known, and to gain credit and popularity with the republican rabble.  For then came that proceeding—­so ludicrous at once, and so mean, that I have never read anything like it in the whole course of history.  While we were anxiously advertising to all Europe, and more especially to the rebels at Milan, and to the red republicans in Paris, that we had held out to Austria this menace, we had at the very time in our pockets an answer from Prince Metternich to our menacing dispatch, saying, ’What is the matter with you?  It is not yet the month of November, when the malady of your gloomy climate prevails, but it is the cheerful month of September.  What ails you?  Are you distracted in your brain to talk of our going to Turin?  We have no more thought of going to Turin or Naples than we have of going to the moon.  On the contrary, if any one presumes to disturb the security of any country, above all to threaten Sardinia, we will stand by you to defend Sardinia, and to maintain inviolate with all our forces and all our resources all the arrangements of the Treaties of Vienna.’  Not one word of this answer from Austria did we suffer to be known while bragging of our threats to her, threats which assumed her having the design of attacking Sardinia.  Then, when the impropriety of keeping such a document in your pockets was mooted in this House, my noble friend opposite (Lord Lansdowne) said, ’Oh, we were ready to give you that dispatch as soon as you asked for it.’  Yes, when I did ask for it I got it; for, on the 18th of last September, my noble friend (Lord Aberdeen) was not at that time in the House, but in Scotland.  I said, ’I have that dispatch in my hand, and I will read it, every word, if you do not consent to give it to the public.’ Non constat that it would have been given if I had omitted to give that direct challenge to Her Majesty’s Government.  I don’t blame my noble friend opposite for all this; he, good easy man, knew nothing at all about it; he was not instructed; the Foreign Office let him remain innocent and ignorant; but the sum and substance of all this is, that every indulgence was extended to Sardinia, whilst threats, downright threats, were held out to Austria.  Now, for one moment stop to recollect the language which we used in the dispatch addressed to the Court of Austria on the 11th of September, 1847.  It was as follows: