any Government in calling on the people of this country
to encounter the burdens and hazards of war for the
purpose of maintaining those opinions. Then comes
the question of Cracow. I deny the justice of
the reproach which the hon. member has directed against
me on that head, of an infraction of the just requirements
of good faith. It is perfectly true, that in a
discussion in this House we stated our intention of
sending a Consul to Cracow; but we were not at that
time aware of all the objections entertained to that
step by other Powers who had an interest in the question,
and who possessed great influence in Cracow. Communications
and correspondence took place, not only with them,
but with the Cracovian authorities, and we were plainly
told, that if our Consul went to Cracow he would not
be received. What were we to do under those circumstances?
The Government of Cracow, though nominally independent,
was practically under the control and protection of
the three protecting Powers; and whatever they ordered
that Government to do, it was plain they would do.
It therefore became the Government to consider whether
there really was any cause for the presence of a British
Consul at Cracow, which was of sufficient importance
to make it worth while to insist on his presence,
at the risk of not obtaining the end. We should
then have been exposed to an affront from the miserable
little Government at Cracow, not acting on its own
responsibility, towards whom nothing could have been
directed in vindication of the honour of the British
Crown; and our only course would have been a rupture
with the three Powers, after we had been warned of
the rejection of our Consul. Well, then, considering
the importance attached in this country, not merely
to peace, but to a really good understanding with
foreign Powers, wherever there are great interests
and powerful motives to amity which would be violated
by hostilities, I thought the best course would be
to abandon the intention we had entertained, and which
we had announced in the discussion in this House.
It does not follow, when a Minister announces in Parliament
an intention to perform a public act, that it is to
be considered like a promise made to an individual,
or by one private man to another, and that it is to
be made a reproach to him if the intention be not
carried out. We are here responsible to the country
for the advice we give the Crown. We are responsible
for all the consequences which that advice may bring
on the country. We are not dealing with our own
affairs; it is not a question of what we may do with
our private property; but when a Minister finds he
cannot do a particular act without compromising the
interests of the country, and that these will suffer
from his executing his intention, it is his duty to
give up that intention, and to consult the interests
of the country in preference to every other consideration.
That is the history of the Consul who was to have
been at Cracow. We have been asked to produce