which my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has directed to be delivered at the Courts of the three Powers principally concerned, wishes this House to agree to certain resolutions.  With respect to the first of these resolutions, my noble friend opposite (Lord Sandon), who seconds the motion, is in complete accordance.  With regard to the last he is not so far agreed, and he doubts whether the House ought to affirm it.  As to the first of these resolutions, ’That this House views with alarm and indignation the incorporation of the free state of Cracow into the dominions of the Emperor of Austria, in manifest violation of the Treaty of Vienna,’ I should beg the House to consider that there is a very great difference between that which has been done by my noble friend (Lord Palmerston) in obedience to Her Majesty’s commands, and that which it is proposed to this House to do.  It is the prerogative of the Crown to make treaties, to carry on the correspondence and relations of this country with foreign Powers.  Every public and every personal communication is agreed on in the name of the Sovereign, and by the command of the Sovereign.  If a treaty has been signed and ratified, as this Treaty of Vienna was signed and ratified, by the Minister of England in the name of George III, and of the Prince Regent of England; and if any violation or contravention of that treaty takes place, the person to whom it devolves to make any representation, is obviously, again, the Minister of the Sovereign—­the Minister of the Sovereign of England, who has made the original treaty.  But with regard to the functions of this House, they are of a very different nature.  When there is a treaty made, or a correspondence takes place, upon which it is thought necessary that the opinion and concurrence of this House should be taken, it is usual then for the Ministers of the Crown to ask for that general concurrence.  If a treaty of commerce or a treaty of subsidy is signed, that requires the intervention of Parliament, it is usual for the Minister of the Crown to ask for the sanction or concurrence of Parliament to that treaty.  But to affirm a resolution which is not thus brought by necessity before the House of Commons—­to affirm a resolution merely declaratory of an opinion, that is not the correct nor the regular course of proceeding in this House.  For my own part it appears to me, that while it is obviously incumbent on the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and on the advisers of Her Majesty, to declare their sense of any violation of treaty, or of any matter which concerns the foreign relations of this country with other countries, it is not advisable that the House of Commons should affirm resolutions with respect to the conduct of those foreign Powers, unless it be intended to follow up those resolutions by some measures or actions on the part of the Executive Government.  For my part I have never admired—­and I have always declared in this House that I never admired