tyranny to curb freedom of thought and freedom of
speech. The little personal idiosyncrasies which
some of the reformers affected, such as long hair
in the men and short hair in the women,—there
is surely some psychological reason why reformers run
to such things,—served as convenient excuses
for gibes and unseemly interruptions at their public
meetings. On one memorable occasion, at Syracuse,
New York, in November, 1842, Douglass and his fellows
narrowly escaped tar and feathers. But, although
Douglass was vehemently denunciatory of slavery in
all its aspects, his twenty years of training in that
hard school had developed in him a vein of prudence
that saved him from these verbal excesses,—perhaps
there was also some element of taste involved,—and
thus made his arguments more effective than if he
had alienated his audiences by indiscriminate attacks
on all the institutions of society. No one could
justly accuse Frederick Douglass of cowardice or self-seeking;
yet he was opportunist enough to sacrifice the immaterial
for the essential, and to use the best means at hand
to promote the ultimate object sought, although the
means thus offered might not be the ideal instrument.
It was doubtless this trait that led Douglass, after
he separated from his abolitionist friends, to modify
his views upon the subject of disunion and the constitutionality
of slavery, and to support political parties whose
platforms by no means expressed the full measure of
his convictions.
In 1843 the New England Anti-slavery Society resolved,
at its annual meeting in the spring, to stir the Northern
heart and rouse the national conscience by a series
of one hundred conventions in New Hampshire, Vermont,
New York, Ohio, Indiana, and Pennsylvania. Douglass
was assigned as one of the agents for the conduct of
this undertaking. Among those associated in this
work, which extended over five months, were John A.
Collins, the president of the society, who mapped
out the campaign; James Monroe; George Bradburn; William
A. White; Charles L. Remond, a colored orator, born
in Massachusetts, who rendered effective service in
the abolition cause; and Sidney Howard Gay, at that
time managing editor of the National Anti-slavery
Standard and later of the New York Tribune
and the New York Evening Post.
The campaign upon which this little band of missionaries
set out was no inconsiderable one. They were
not going forth to face enthusiastic crowds of supporters,
who would meet them with brass bands and shouts of
welcome. They were more likely to be greeted with
hisses and cat-calls, sticks and stones, stale eggs
and decayed cabbages, hoots and yells of derision,
and decorations of tar and feathers.