to govern. That is the mission with which we
have to charge you, and it is as momentous a mission
as was ever confided to any great military commander
or admiral of the fleet—this mission of
yours to place yourself in touch with the people whom
you have to govern. I am under no illusions that
I can plant new ideas in your minds compared with
the ideas that may be planted by experienced heads
of Indian Government. The other day I saw a letter
of instructions from a very eminent Lieutenant-Governor
to those of the next stage below him, as to the attitude
that they were to take to the new civilians when they
arrived, and you 24 or 25 gentlemen will get the benefit
of those instructions if you are going to that province.
I do not think there is any reason why I should not
mention his name—it was Sir Andrew Fraser,
the retired Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal—and
those instructions as to the temper that was to be
inculcated upon newcomers, were marked by a force,
a fulness, and a first-hand aptitude that not even
the keenest Secretary of State could venture to approach.
I know that exile is hard. It is very easy for
us here to preach. Exile is and must be hard,
but I feel confident that under the guidance of the
high officers there, under whom you will find yourselves,
you will take care not to ignore the Indian; not to
hold apart and aloof from the Indian life and ways;
not to believe that you will not learn anything by
conversation with educated Indians. And while
you are in India, and among Indians, and responsible
to Indians, because you are as responsible to them
as you are to us here, while you are in that position,
gentlemen, do not live in Europe all the time.
Whether or not—if I may be quite candid—it
was a blessing either for India or for Great Britain
that this great responsibility fell upon us, whatever
the ultimate destiny and end of all this is to be,
at any rate I know of no more imposing and momentous
transaction than the government of India by you and
those like you. I know of no more imposing and
momentous transaction in the vast scroll of the history
of human government.
We have been within the past two years in a position
of considerable difficulty. But the difficulties
of Indian government are not the result—be
sure of this—of any single incident or set
of incidents. You see it said that all the present
difficulties arose from the partition of Bengal.
I have never believed that. I do not think well
of the operation, but that does not matter. I
was turning the other day to the history of the Oxford
Mission to Calcutta. In 1899—the partition
of Bengal, as you know, was much later—what
did they say? “There exists at present”—at
present in 1899—“an increasing hostility
to what is European and English among the educated
classes.” “No one can have,”
this Oxford report goes on, “any real knowledge
of India without a deep sense of the splendid work
done by the Indian Civil Service. The work is
recognised by the Indian people. They thoroughly