We all see, then, that the problem presents extraordinary difficulty.  How are you going in a case like the United Provinces, for example, to secure that adequate and substantial representation, which it is the interest and the desire of the Government for its own sake to secure.  No fair-minded Moslem would deny in Eastern Bengal, any more than a fair-minded non-Moslem would deny it in the United Provinces, that there is no easy solution.  You see, gentlemen, I do not despair of finding a fair-minded man in a controversy of this kind.  From information that reaches me I do not at all despair of meeting fair-minded critics of both communities, in spite of the sharp antagonism that exists on many matters between them.  But, whatever may be the case with Mahomedans and Hindus, there is one body of men who are bound to keep a fair mind, and that is the Government.  The Government are bound, whatever you may do among yourselves, strictly, and I will even say sternly, to insist on overcoming all obstacles in a spirit of absolute equity.  Now, what is the object of the Government?  It is that the Legislative Councils should represent truly and effectively, with a reasonable approach to the balance of real social forces, the wishes and needs of the communities themselves.  That is the object of the Government, and in face of a great problem of that kind, algebra, arithmetic, geometry, logic—­none of these things will do your business for you.  You have to look at it widely and away from those sciences, excellent in their place, but not of much service when you are solving awkward political riddles.  I think if you allow some method of leaving to a local authority the power of adding to the number of representatives from the Mahomedan community, or the Hindu community, as the case may be, that might be a possible and prudent way of getting through this embarrassment.  Let us all be clear of one thing, namely—­and I thought of this when I heard one or two observations that fell from Mr. Ameer Ali—­that no general proposition can be wisely based on the possession by either community, either of superior civil qualities or superior personal claims.  If you begin to introduce that element, you perceive the perils to that peace and mutual goodwill which we hope to emerge by-and-by, though it may take longer than some think.  I repeat that I see no harm from the point of view of a practical working compromise, in the principle that population, or numerical strength, should be the main factor in determining how many representatives should sit for this or the other community; but modifying influences may be both wisely and equitably taken into account in allotting the numbers of such representatives.