Lord Minto and I have had as different experience of life and the world as possible, and we belong I daresay to different schools of national politics, because Lord Minto was appointed by the party opposite.  It is a rather remarkable thing that two men, differing in this way in political antecedents, should agree in this proposal.  We need not discuss what particular portfolio should be assigned to an Indian member.  That will be settled by the Viceroy on the merits of the individual.  The great object, the main object, is that the merits of individuals are to be considered and to be decisive, irrespective and independent of race and colour.

We are not altogether without experience, because a year ago, or somewhat more, it was my good fortune to be able to appoint two Indian gentlemen to the Council of India sitting at the Indian Office.  Many apprehensions reached me as to what might happen.  So far, at all events, those apprehensions have been utterly dissipated.  The concord between the two Indian members of the Council and their colleagues has been unbroken, their work has been excellent, and you will readily believe me when I say that the advantage to me of being able to ask one of these two gentlemen to come and tell me something about an Indian question from an Indian point of view, is enormous.  I find in it a chance of getting the Indian angle of vision, and I feel sometimes as if I were actually in the streets of Calcutta.

I do not say there are not some arguments on the other side.  But this, at all events, must be common sense—­for the Governor-General and the European members of his Council to have at their side a man who knows the country well, who belongs to the country and who can give him the point of view of an Indian.  Surely, my Lords, that cannot but prove an enormous advantage.

Let me say further, on the Judicial Bench in India everybody recognises the enormous service that it is to have Indian members of abundant learning, and who add to that abundant learning a complete knowledge of the conditions and life of the country.  I propose at once, if Parliament agrees, to acquire powers to double the Executive Council in Bombay and Madras, and to appoint at least one Indian member in each of those cases, as well as in the Governor-General’s Council.  Nor, as the Papers will show, shall I be backward in advancing towards a similar step, as occasion may require, in respect of at least four of the major provinces.

I wish that this chapter had been opened at a more fortunate moment:  but as I said when I rose, I repeat—­do not let us for a moment take too gloomy a view.  There is not the slightest occasion.  None of those who are responsible take gloomy views.  They know the difficulties, they are prepared to grapple with them.  They will do their best to keep down mutinous opposition.  They hope to attract that good will which must, after all, be the real foundation of our prosperity and