You often hear people talk of the educated section of the people of India as a mere handful, an infinitesimal fraction.  So they are, in numbers; but it is fatally idle to say that this infinitesimal fraction does not count.  This educated section is making and will make all the difference.  That they would sharply criticise the British system of government has been long known.  It was inevitable.  There need be no surprise in the fact that they want a share in political influence, and want a share in the emoluments of administration.  Their means—­many of them—­are scanty; they have little to lose and much to gain from far-reaching changes.  They see that the British hand works the State machine surely and smoothly, and they think, having no fear of race animosities, that their hand could work the machine as surely and as smoothly as the British hand.

And now I come to my last point.  Last autumn the Governor-General appointed a Committee of the Executive Council to consider the development of the administrative machinery, and at the end of March last he publicly informed his Legislative Council that he had sent home a despatch to the Secretary of State proposing suggestions for a move in advance.  The Viceroy with a liberal and courageous mind entered deliberately on the path of improvement.  The public in India were aware of it.  They waited, and are now waiting the result with the liveliest interest and curiosity.  Meanwhile the riots happened in Rawalpindi, in Lahore.  After these riots broke out, what was the course we ought to take?  Some in this country lean to the opinion—­and it is excusable—­that riots ought to suspend all suggestions and talk of reform.  Sir, His Majesty’s Government considered this view, and in the end they took, very determinedly, the opposite view.  They held that such a withdrawal would, of course, have been construed as a triumph for the party of sedition.  They held that, to draw back on account of local and sporadic disturbances, however serious, anxious, and troublesome they might be, would have been a really grave humiliation.  To hesitate to make a beginning with our own policy of improving the administrative machinery of the Indian Government, would have been taken as a sign of nervousness, trepidation, and fear; and fear, that is always unworthy in any Government, is in the Indian Government, not only unworthy, but extremely dangerous.  I hope the House concurs with His Majesty’s Government.

In answer to a Question the other day, I warned one or two of my hon. friends that, in resisting the employment of powers to suppress disturbances, under the Regulation of 1818 or by any other lawful weapon we could find, they were promoting the success of that disorder, which would be fatal to the very projects with which they sympathise.  The despatch from India reached us in due course.  It was considered by the Council of India and by His Majesty’s Government, and our reply was sent about a fortnight ago.  Someone