may be thought to be some justification for measures which might have been undertaken for the sake of public safety.  At any rate, there were definite charges brought against Armenians in these districts, and the Armenian boatmen of Silivri, for instance, were imprisoned, but not, as far as I know, massacred, on the charge of revictualling English submarines, which at that time, as the reader will remember, had penetrated into the Sea of Marmora, and indeed had reached Constantinople itself.  It is not, of course, consonant with Turkish or Prussian justice to substantiate charges before inflicting penalties, it is sufficient in the new World-justice to accuse.  But here round Constantinople, there was some pretence at procedure before resorting to murder and deportation.  A register was drawn up of all Armenians resident in the capital, dividing into separate classes those who were born in Constantinople, and those who were immigrants from Armenia, with a view to deporting those who were not native to the city.  Here, I think, we may see traces of the Prussian instinct for tabulation, for classification, for category-mongering.  Enver and his colleagues lost patience with these dilatory tactics.  The Armenians of the province of Brussa were deported wholesale, and long before the registration lists of Constantinople were finished, all Armenians were moved out of the town.  Ten thousand males were massacred in the mountains of Ismid, and the Armenian women and children taken into collecting stations for deportation to ‘agricultural colonies’ (so the phrase ran in the Pecksniff language of Prussia) situated in the Anatolian desert, in the desert of Arabia, and in malarious marshes on the Euphrates.  With this clearing out of Armenians from Thrace, from Constantinople, and from Armenia itself, we have finished with our first class of the Armenian atrocities.  For it reasons were at least invented by German apologists.  Military necessities, which here, as in Belgium, knew no law, dictated it; the frightfulness involved was incidental to War.  But such considerations were not even alleged for the second class of the murder-scheme.  Before passing on, it will be well to review, quite shortly, the reasons which dictated it, and penetrate into the infernal councils of Enver Pasha and Talaat Bey.

The text of the scheme is to be found in the defined policy of the Young Turk party as set forth in their Congress of 1911.  ’Turkey must become a really Mohammedan country, and Moslem ideas and Moslem influence must be preponderant....  Sooner or later the complete Ottomanisation of all Turkish subjects must be effected:  it is clear, however, that this can never be attained by persuasion, but that we must resort to armed force.’