terms, that “the betrayers of the country were not the Republicans, and that to destroy the Imperial Government was to annihilate the Prussians.”  In spite of the eloquent appeal of his counsel, he was condemned to death.  The events of the fourth of September prevented the execution of this sentence, and he lived to take an active part in the agitation of the thirty-first of October.  He was again tried for this conduct and acquitted, together with Vermorel, Ribaldi, Lefrancais and others.  Eudes’ name figures in the first decrees of the Commune, and on the last of those of the Committee of Public Safety.  On the second of April he was appointed Delegate for War, and, conjointly with Cluseret, organised ten corps of the Enfants Perdus of Belleville.  He promised to each of his volunteers an annuity of 300 francs and a decoration.  Eudes was an atheist of the most violent type, and sayings are attributed to him which make one shudder.]

XXXIX.

Where is Bergeret?  What have they done with Bergeret?  We miss Bergeret.  They have no right to suppress Bergeret, who, according to the official document, was “himself” at Neuilly; Bergeret, who drove to battle in an open carriage; who enlivened our ennui with a little fun.  They were perfectly at liberty to take away his command and give it to whomsoever they chose; I am quite agreeable to that, but they had no right to take him away and prevent him amusing us.  Alas! we do not have the chance so often![48]

Rumours are afloat that he has been taken to the Conciergerie.  Poor Bergeret! and why is he so treated?  Because he got the Federals beaten in trying to lead them to Versailles?

[Illustration:  CORPS LEGISLATIF.—­THE HEAD-QUARTERS OF GENERAL BERGERET.]

Citizens, if you will allow me to express my humble opinion on the subject, I shall take the opportunity of insinuating that the plan of Citizen Bergeret—­which has, I acknowledge, been completely unsuccessful—­was the only possible one capable of transforming into a triumphant revolution, the emeute of Montmartre, now the Commune of Paris.

Let us look at it from a logical point of view, if you please.  Does it seem possible to you, that Paris can hold its own against the whole of the rest of France?  No, most certainly not.  Today, especially, after the disasters that have occurred to the communal insurrectionists of Marseilles, Lyons, and Toulouse—­disasters which your lying official reports have in vain tried to transform into successes; today, I say, you cannot possibly nourish any delusive hopes of help from the provinces.  In a few days, you will have the whole country in array in front of your ramparts and your ruined fortresses, and then you are lost; yes, lost, in spite of all the blinded heroism of those whom you have beguiled to the slaughter.  The only hope you could reasonably have conceived was that of profiting by the first