see that the most Machiavellic spirit has presided over its production.  The ability consists in placing side by side with the rights which incontestably belong to the Commune, other rights which do not belong to it the least in the world, and in not appearing to attach more importance to one than to the other, so that the reader, carried away by the evident legitimacy of many of your claims, may say to himself, “Really all that is very just.”  Let us unravel if you please this skein of red worsted so ingeniously tangled.  The vote of the Communal budget, receipts and expenses, the levying and division of taxes, the administration of the Communal property, are rights which certainly belong to the Commune; if it had not got them it would not exist.  And why do they belong to it?  Because it alone could know what is good for it in these matters, and could come to such decision upon them, as it thought fit, without injuring the whole country.  But it is not the same as regards measures concerning the magistracy, the police, and education.  Well, suppose one fine day a Commune should say, “Magistrates?  I don’t want any magistrates; these black-robed gentry are no use to me; let others nourish these idlers, who send brave thieves and honest assassins to the galleys; I love assassins and I honour thieves, and more, I choose that the culprits should judge the magistrates of the Republic.”  Now, if a Commune were to say that, or something like that, what could you answer in reply?  Absolutely nothing; for, according to your system, each locality in France has the right to organise its magistracy as it pleases.  As regards the police and education, it would be easy to make out similar hypotheses, and thus to exhibit the absurdity of your Communal pretensions.  Should a Commune say, “No person shall be arrested in future, and it is prohibited under pain of death to learn by heart the fable of the wolf and the fox.”  What could you say to that?  Nothing, unless you admitted that you were mistaken just now in supposing, that the integrity of the Commune ought to have no other limit but the right of equal independence of all the other Communes.  There exists another limit, and that is the general interests of the country, which cannot permit one part of it to injure the rest, by bad example or in any other way; the central power alone can judge those questions where a single absurd measure—­of which more than one “locality” may probably be guilty—­might compromise the honour or the interests of France; the magistracy, the police, and education, are evidently questions of that nature.

The other rights of the Commune are, always be it understood, according to the declaration made to the French people: 

    “The choice by election or competition; with the responsibility and
    the permanent right of control over magistrates and communal
    functionaries of every class;

    “The absolute guarantee of individual liberty, of liberty of
    conscience, and of liberty of labour;