originally have been, it was speedily swelled by the
junction of large bands of the worst characters in
the metropolis, who soon began to display their strength
by every kind of outrage. They commenced by attacking
some of the Roman Catholic chapels, which they burnt;
and, their audacity increasing at the sight of their
exploits, they proceeded to assault the houses of
different members of Parliament who had voted for
the measures which had offended them. Because
the Chief-justice, Lord Mansfield, had lately presided
at a trial where a Roman Catholic had been acquitted,
they sacked and burnt his house, and tried to murder
himself. The magistrates, afraid of exposing themselves
to the fury of such a mob, kept for the most part
out of the way; and though the troops had been put
under arms, and several regiments from the rural districts
had been brought up to London in haste, the military
officers were afraid to act without orders. Left
to work their pleasure almost without resistance,
the rioters attacked the different prisons, burnt Newgate
and released all the prisoners, and made more than
one attack on the Bank of England, where, however,
fortunately the guard was strong enough to repel them.
But still no active measures were taken to crush the
riot. The belief was general that the soldiers
might not act at all, or, at all events, not fire
on rioters, till an hour after the Riot Act had been
read and the mob had been warned to disperse; and no
magistrate could be found to brave its fury by reading
it. There seemed no obstacle to prevent the rioters
from making themselves masters of the whole capital,
had it not been for the firmness of the King himself,
who, when all the proper authorities failed, showed
himself in fact as well as in name the Chief Magistrate
of the kingdom.[70] He summoned a Privy Council, and
urged the members to adopt instant measures of repression;
and, when some of the ministers seemed to waver, he
put the question himself to the Attorney-general whether
the interpretation put on the Riot Act, which seemed
to him inconsistent with common-sense, were justified
by the law. Wedderburn unhesitatingly replied
that it was not; that “if a mob were committing
a felony, as by burning dwelling-houses, and could
not be prevented by other means, the military, according
to the law of England, might and ought to be immediately
ordered to fire upon them, the reading of the Riot
Act being wholly unnecessary under such circumstances."[71]
The King insisted on this opinion being instantly
acted on; a proclamation was issued, and orders were
sent from the Adjutant-general’s office that
the soldiers were to act at once without waiting for
directions from the civil magistrates. A few hours
now sufficed to restore tranquillity. The Chief-justice,
in his place in the House of Lords, subsequently declared
Wedderburn’s opinion, and the orders given in
reliance upon it, to be in strict conformity with the
common law, laying down, as the principle on which