The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 614 pages of information about The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860.

The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 614 pages of information about The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860.
As leave was refused, the bill proposed to be introduced may, perhaps, be thought disentitled to mention here, were it not that the circumstance that proposals for shortening the duration of Parliaments are still occasionally brought forward seems to warrant an account of a few of the arguments by which those who took the leading parts in the debate which ensued resisted it.  The minister, Lord North, declared that the Alderman had misunderstood the views of our ancestors on the subject; as their desire had been, not that Parliament should be elected annually, but that it should sit every year, an end which had now been attained.  Fox, on the other hand, while avowing that hitherto he had always opposed similar motions, declared his wish now to see not only triennial but annual Parliaments, as the sole means of lessening the influence of the crown.  “If any of his constituents were to ask him to what our present misfortunes were ascribable, he should say the first cause was the influence of the crown; the second, the influence of the crown; and the third, the influence of the crown.”  But it was replied by Burke, who usually exhausted every question he took in hand, that such a bill would rather tend to augment that influence, since “the crown, by its constant stated power, influence, and revenue, would be able to wear out all opposition at elections; that it would not abate the interest or inclination of ministers to apply that interest to the electors; on the contrary, it would render it more necessary to them, if they desired to have a majority in Parliament, to increase the means of that influence, to redouble their diligence, and to sharpen dexterity in the application.  The whole effect of the bill would, therefore, be to remove the application of some part of that influence from the elected to the electors, and farther to strengthen and extend a court interest already great and powerful in boroughs.  It must greatly increase the cost of a seat in Parliament; and, if contests were frequent, to many they would become a matter of expense totally ruinous, which no fortunes could bear.  The expense of the last general election was estimated at L1,500,000; and he remembered well that several agents for boroughs said to candidates, ’Sir, your election will cost you L3000 if you are independent; but, if the ministry supports you, it may be done for L2000, and even less.’” And he adduced the case of Ireland, where formerly, when “a Parliament sat for the King’s life, the ordinary charge for a seat was L1500; but now, when it sat for eight years, four sessions, the charge was L2500 and upward.”  Such a change as was proposed would cause “triennial corruption, triennial drunkenness, triennial idleness, etc., and invigorate personal hatreds that would never be allowed to soften.  It would even make the member himself more corrupt, by increasing his dependence on those who could best support him at elections.  It would wreck the fortunes of those
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The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.