the acceptance of it, if it should be accepted, and the House should thus consent “to retract its previous vote, a lamentable proof of subserviency, which would disgrace it with the country.”  What Sir Robert now asked was, substantially, that they should now declare that to be expedient which they had declared to be inexpedient only three nights ago; and Lord Palmerston insisted that the proper course to be taken by the government was to resign; while Mr. Labouchere, who had also been a member of Lord Melbourne’s cabinet,[267] though he admitted that there might be “circumstances under which a minister might without impropriety ask the House to reconsider a vote,” denied that the present was such a case, and especially denounced the importation of the question of confidence or no confidence in the ministry into the discussion as “dangerous and unconstitutional.”  Another section of the Opposition agreed in taking the same line; Mr. Disraeli (then beginning to lay the foundations of his reputation and influence) strongly denouncing the conduct of the minister, as degrading both to his own supporters and still more to the whole House, and recommending him to say frankly to both, “We have gauged your independence, and you may have a semblance of parliamentary freedom as far as this point, but the moment you go farther, you must either submit to public disgrace, or we must submit to private life.”  The end of the discussion was, that the minister prevailed by a majority a trifle larger than that which had defeated him before.  This is not the place to discuss the difference between one principle of taxation and another; but the question whether a minister when defeated is justified in asking either House of Parliament to reconsider its vote, seems one that could only have been raised in a House under the influence of unusual excitement of some kind.  The charge that such a request was unconstitutional only serves to show how loosely the words “constitution” and “unconstitutional” are often used even by those from whom precision of language might most be expected; for Sir Robert Peel’s proposal that the House should retract its vote was not unprecedented, the very same demand having been made in 1833 by Lord Althorp, then Chancellor of the Exchequer of Lord Grey’s ministry, of which those very men were members who were now loudest in denouncing the conduct of the present government.  And on that occasion it is worth remarking that, though Lord Althorp’s demand was resisted in one or two quarters, he was vigorously supported by Sir Robert Peel, on the ground that, though to rescind one night a vote passed on a former one might be not altogether free from objection, it would be a far greater evil that questions of importance should be held to be in all cases finally decided by a single vote, passed, it might be, in a thin House, or in obedience to some sudden impulse.