with advantage is to enable them to govern themselves."[255]
And since that day similar constitutions have been
established in our other distant dependencies as they
have become ripe for them—in New Zealand,
the Cape, and the Australian colonies—almost
the only powers reserved to the home government in
those colonies in which such constitutions have been
established being that of appointing the governors;
that of ratifying or, if necessary, disallowing measures
adopted by the colonial government; and, in cases of
necessity, that of prescribing measures for the adoption
of the local Legislatures, and even of compelling
such adoption, in the event of any persevering opposition.
The act of 1850, which established a constitution in
Victoria, went even farther in the privileges it conferred
on the colonists, inasmuch as it gave power to the
Legislative Council to alter some of its provisions,
and even to remodel the Legislative Council and Assembly.
It may be doubted whether this last concession did
not go too far, since in more than one important instance
the government of that great colony has availed itself
of it so liberally as to render it necessary to pass
a fresh act of Parliament to enable her Majesty to
give her royal assent to some of the changes which
the Assembly had enacted.[256] Indeed, it cannot be
said that the system has worked in every part or on
every occasion quite as well as might have been hoped;
nor can it be denied that the colonies have occasionally
claimed a power of independent action in opposition
to the home Parliament in a way to try severely the
patience of the home government. After the British
Parliament had adopted the policy and system of free-trade,
the Canadian Assembly adhered to the doctrine of protection
so obstinately that it actually established a tariff
of import duties injurious to the commerce of the
mother country, and apparently intended as a condemnation
of its principles. But its contumacy showed how
wholly different was the spirit of the British government
from that which had prevailed in the last century;
for though the home government had unquestionably the
right of disallowing the offensive tariff, it forbore
to exercise it; and, probably, by this striking proof
that it considered a complete recognition of the principle
of local self-government more important than any trifling
financial or commercial advantage, contributed greatly
to implant in Canada and all the colonies that confidence
in the affectionate moderation of the home government
which must be the strongest, if not the only indissoluble,
bond of union.
On the whole, it is hardly too much to say that no more statesman-like, and (if sentiment may be allowed a share in influencing the conduct of governments) no more amiable spirit animates any act of our modern legislation than is displayed in these arrangements for the management of our colonies. They are a practical exemplification of the idea embodied in the expression, “the mother country.”