the University of Oxford; and, as from his earliest enjoyment of a seat in Parliament he had been a prominent opponent of the Roman Catholic claims, he considered that it was to that maintenance of a policy identified in their eyes with that Protestant ascendency which his supporters took to be both the chief bulwark and one of the most essential parts of the constitution that he owed his position as their member.  With a conscientiousness which was rather overstrained, and not quite consistent with the legitimate position of a member of the House of Commons as a representative, and not a delegate, he now conceived that his change of view on the subject made it proper for him to give his constituents an opportunity of making choice of some one else who should more faithfully represent them.  He accordingly resigned his seat, offering himself at the same time for re-election.  But he was defeated by a very large majority, though his competitor was one who could not possibly be put on a level with him either for university distinction or for parliamentary eminence.

Not the less, however, for all their difficulties and discouragements, did the ministers proceed in the course on which they had resolved.  They inserted in the speech with which the King opened the session of 1829 a recommendation to the Houses “to take into consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and to review the laws which imposed civil disabilities on his Majesty’s Roman Catholic subjects.”  And with as little delay as possible they introduced a bill to remove those disabilities.  But there was another measure which they felt it to be indispensable should precede it.  A previous sentence of the royal speech had described the Catholic Association as one “dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution, keeping alive discord and ill-will among his Majesty’s subjects, and one which must, if permitted to continue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland.”  And the ministers naturally regarded it as their first duty to suppress a body which could deserve to be so described.  They felt, too, that the large measure of concession and conciliation which they were about to announce would lose half its grace, and more than half its effect, if it could possibly be represented as a submission to an agitation and intimidation which they had not the power nor the courage to resist.  They determined, therefore, to render such an imputation impossible, by previously suppressing the Association.  It was evident that it could not be extinguished by any means short of an act of Parliament.  And the course pursued, with the discussions which took place respecting it, show in a very clear and instructive manner the view taken by statesmen of the difference between what is loyal or illegal, constitutional or unconstitutional; their apprehension that conduct may be entirely legal, that is to say, within the letter of the law, but