The introduction of the sliding-scale was almost the last act of Lord Liverpool’s ministry.  At the beginning of 1827 he was preparing a fresh measure on the same subject, the effect of which was intended to diminish still farther the protection which the former act had given, and which was in consequence denounced by many landholders of great wealth and influence, led, on this subject, by the King’s favorite brother, the Duke of York.[189] But, a few days after the meeting of Parliament, he was struck down by an attack of paralysis, from which he never recovered.

In his post as Prime-minister he was succeeded by Canning, not without great reluctance on the part of the King; not, probably, so much because he feared to find in him any desire to depart from the policy of Lord Liverpool, except on the Catholic question (for even on matters of foreign policy, on which Canning had always been supposed most to fix his attention, he had adopted the line which Lord Liverpool had laid down for the cabinet with evident sincerity),[190] as because his Majesty had never wholly forgiven him for the attitude which he had taken, differing on one or two points from that of his colleagues on the Queen’s case.  And, as has been mentioned in a former chapter, he even, with the object of evading the necessity of appointing him, suggested to the Duke of Wellington the singular scheme of allowing the remaining members of Lord Liverpool’s cabinet to select their own chief,[191] which the Duke, though coinciding with him in his dislike of Canning, of whom he entertained a very causeless suspicion, rejected without hesitation, as an abandonment of the royal prerogative in one of its most essential duties or privileges.  Another of his Majesty’s notions, if it had been carried out, would have been one of the strangest violations of constitutional principle and practice which it is possible to conceive.  The Duke of York, who had for many years been Commander-in-chief, died in January of the same year, and on his death the King actually proposed to take that office on himself.  For the moment Lord Liverpool was able to induce him to abandon the idea, and to confer the post on the Duke of Wellington.  But it had taken such possession of his mind that he recurred to it again when, on Canning becoming Prime-minister, the Duke resigned the office; and he pressed it on the Cabinet with singular pertinacity till, on Canning’s death, the Duke was prevailed on to resume the command.  It is evident that no arrangement could possibly be more inconsistent with every principle of the constitution.  The very foundation of parliamentary government is, that every officer of every department is responsible to Parliament for the proper discharge of his duties.  But the investiture of the sovereign with ministerial office of any kind must involve either the entire withdrawal of that department from parliamentary control, or the exposure of the sovereign to constant criticism, which, however essential to the efficiency of the department, and consequently to the public service, would be wholly inconsistent with the respect due to the crown.  The first alternative it is certain that no Parliament would endure for a moment; the second, by impairing the dignity of the monarch, could scarcely fail in some degree to threaten the stability of the monarchy itself.