Fox, and those who still adhered to him, resisted almost every clause of these different bills.  They maintained that one of the most fundamental maxims of law “in every country calling itself free was, that property was in the highest degree entitled to the protection of the law; and, if so, that the right of disposing of it or investing it in any manner must be considered under the same protection;” that any interference “with ordinary commercial transactions was equally repugnant to the spirit of the constitution;” and, taking a practical view of the question, they warned the minister that such rigorous enactments imposing such extreme penalties would defeat their own end; for “it was a general and true maxim, that excess of punishment for a crime brings impunity along with it; and that no jury would ever find a verdict which would doom a fellow-creature to death for selling a yard of cloth and sending it to France.”  They protested, too, against inflicting on words, whether written or spoken, penalties which had hitherto been confined to overt acts.  And the clauses conferring power on magistrates to prevent or disperse public meetings encountered still more vehement opposition; Fox insisting, with great eloquence, that “public meetings for the discussion of public subjects were not only lawful, but agreeable to the very essence of the constitution; that, indeed, to them, under that constitution, most of the liberties which Englishmen now enjoyed were particularly owing.”  The people, he maintained, had a right to discuss their grievances.  “They had an inalienable right to complain by petition, and to remonstrate to either House of Parliament, or to the King; and to make two magistrates, who might be strong partisans, irresponsible judges whether anything said or done at a meeting had a tendency to encourage sedition, was to say that a free constitution was no longer suitable to us.”  Pitt justified these measures, partly on the ground of the special and unprecedented danger of the times, as proved by the late attempt on the King’s life, and partly by the open avowal of republican doctrines made at the meetings of different societies; partly, also, on the temporary character of the measures, since in each bill a period was fixed after which its operation should expire.  And he argued, farther, that, as many of the actions specified in these bills as seditious or treasonable were by many lawyers considered capable of being reached by statutes already existing, though not universally understood, it was “humane, not cruel, to remove doubts, and to prevent men from being ensnared by the ambiguity of old laws.”