our peace.—­If however the controversy is to be continued and a mob insist on the right to rule, freemen will protect their lives and their liberties.—­And is not the peace and tranquility of the State of importance?  We have been told with more truth than sincerity that “life itself is a dreary thing” without “harmony in social intercourse.”  Happy would it have been if the author of that just and pertinent remark had not contributed more than any other man in the United States to embitter parties, and to render life indeed a “dreary thing.”

2.  Another item in the expense of accomplishing these projects, is a corruption of morals.  To revolutionize Connecticut it will be necessary to circulate, without any intermission, many gross falsehoods respecting the men in power, the judges, legislators and magistrates, and the acts and proceedings of the General Assembly.  We have seen the columns of the Mercury and the Republican Farmer filled with vile libels.—­We have seen Abraham Bishop followed by hundreds enter a temple devoted to the service of God, and we have heard him there utter the most malignant slanders on the Clergy, the Legislature and the Courts of law.—­We have seen him publicly denounce one class and another of his fellow citizens as hypocrites, old tories and traitors.—­We have seen him receiving for this, the applause of a wretched collection of disappointed, ambitious and corrupt men.  This has been borne and the author despised, and indignantly hissed from the society of the respectable and virtuous—­but the end is not gained—­new themes of reviling—­new subjects of abuse must be sought, and the party who wish to effect a revolution, are pledged to uphold and protect the agents however wicked.  What then may now be expected?  That dreadful declaration “Truth is fallen in their streets” will soon be but an inconsiderable part of our miserable character.  It need not be added that such a condition evinces great corruption of morals.

3.  Another part of this expense will be the elevation of men to office who are unworthy of public confidence.  What can a nation or state expect from such men?  What could now be expected from these men but that they become immediately the creatures of a party—­the tools of a faction?  Is it worthy of no consideration that judges who are to be the arbiters of controversies—­who are to adjudicate on the lives of their fellow citizens, and to whom is committed the dearest and highest interests of society, should be men of virtue—­of wisdom and of unsullied reputation?  Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leader can crush them with his nod?  Be not deceived my fellow citizens—­no nation hath yet made such an experiment without feeling its bitter and dreadful effects.  See the revolutionary tribunals of France—­See in them a melancholy picture of corrupt courts and unprincipled judges—­The cruelty of that nation hath appeared no where more infernal than through their forms of law and in their