of their fellow-capitalists or fellow-workers.  But it is evident that the smaller the industrial unit, the more frequent will these conflicts between the immediate special interest and the wider class interest be.  Since this is so, it would follow that the establishment of larger industrial units, such as workmen’s unions and employers’ unions, based on a cancelling of minor conflicting interests, will diminish the aggregate quantity of friction between capital and labour.  If there were a close union between all the river-side and carrying trades of the country, it is far less likely that a particular local body of dock-labourers would, in order to seize some temporary advantage for themselves, be allowed to take a course which might throw out of work, or otherwise injure, the other workers concerned in the industries allied to theirs.  One of the important educative effects of labour organizations will be a growing recognition of the intricate rapport which subsists not only between the interests of different classes of workers, but between capital and labour in its more general aspect.  This lesson again is driven home by the dramatic scale of the terrible though less frequent conflicts which still occur between capital and labour.  Industrial war seems to follow the same law of change as military war.  As the incessant bickering of private guerilla warfare has given way in modern times to occasional, large, organized, brief, and terribly destructive campaigns, so it is in trade.  In both cases the aggregate of friction and waste is probably much less under the modern regime, but the dread of these dramatic lessons is growing ever greater, and the tendency to postponement and conciliation grows apace.  But just as the fact of a growing identity in the interest of different nations, the growing recognition of that fact, and the growing horror of war, potent factors as they seem to reasonable men, make very slow progress towards the substitution of international arbitration for appeals to the sword, so in industry we cannot presume that the existence of reasonable grounds for conciliation will speedily rid us of the terror and waste of industrial conflicts.  It is even possible that just as the speedy formation of a strong national unity, like that of Prussia under Frederick the Great, out of weak, disordered, smaller units, may engender for a time a bellicose spirit which works itself out in strife, so the rapid rise and union of weak and oppressed bodies of poorer labourers make for a shortsighted policy of blind aggression.  Such considerations as this must, at any rate, temper the hopes of speedy industrial pacification we may form from dwelling on the more reasonable effects and teaching of organization.  Although the very growth and existence of the larger industrial units implies, as we saw, a laying aside of smaller conflicts, we cannot assume that the forces at present working directly for the pacification of capital and labour, and for their ultimate fusion,