to have been brought by the Carthaginians to Sicily,
where, probably for this reason, it appears developed
earlier and more completely than in any other part
of the Roman dominions.(11) We find the territory
of Leontini, about 30,000 -jugera- of arable land,
which was let on lease as Roman domain(12) by the
censors, divided some decades after the time of the
Gracchi among not more than 84 lessees, to each of
whom there thus fell on an average 360 jugera, and
among whom only one was a Leontine; the rest were
foreign, mostly Roman, speculators. We see from
this instance with what zeal the Roman speculators
there walked in the footsteps of their predecessors,
and what extensive dealings in Sicilian cattle and
Sicilian slave-corn must have been carried on by the
Roman and Non-Roman speculators who covered the fair
island with their pastures and plantations.
Italy however still remained for the present substantially
exempt from this worst form of slave-husbandry.
Although in Etruria, where the plantation-system
seems to have first emerged in Italy, and where it
existed most extensively at least forty years afterwards,
it is extremely probable that even now -ergastula-
were not wanting; yet Italian agriculture at this
epoch was still chiefly carried on by free persons
or at any rate by non-fettered slaves, while the greater
tasks were frequently let out to contractors.
The difference between Italian and Sicilian slavery
is very clearly apparent from the fact, that the slaves
of the Mamertine community, which lived after the
Italian fashion, were the only slaves who did not
take part in the Sicilian servile revolt of 619-622.
The abyss of misery and woe, which opens before our
eyes in this most miserable of all proletariates,
may be fathomed by those who venture to gaze into
such depths; it is very possible that, compared with
the sufferings of the Roman slaves, the sum of all
Negro sufferings is but a drop. Here we are
not so much concerned with the hardships of the slaves
themselves as with the perils which they brought upon
the Roman state, and with the conduct of the government
in confronting them. It is plain that this proletariate
was not called into existence by the government and
could not be directly set aside by it; this could
only have been accomplished by remedies which would
have been still worse than the disease. The
duty of the government was simply, on the one hand,
to avert the direct danger to property and life, with
which the slave-proletariate threatened the members
of the state, by an earnest system of police for securing
order; and on the other hand, to aim at the restriction
of the proletariate, as far as possible, by the elevation
of free labour. Let us see how the Roman aristocracy
executed these two tasks.
Insurrection of the Slaves
The First Sicilian Slave War