shared his sentiments have been often and harshly censured
on this account, and certainly the expressions of his
displeasure are not unfrequently characterized by
the bluntness and narrowness peculiar to him; on a
closer consideration, however, we must not only confess
him to have been in individual instances substantially
right, but we must also acknowledge that the national
opposition in this field, more than anywhere else,
went beyond the manifestly inadequate line of mere
negative defence. When his younger contemporary,
Aulus Postumius Albinus, who was an object of ridicule
to the Hellenes themselves by his offensive Hellenizing,
and who, for example, even manufactured Greek verses—when
this Albinus in the preface to his historical treatise
pleaded in excuse for his defective Greek that he
was by birth a Roman—was not the question
quite in place, whether he had been doomed by authority
of law to meddle with matters which he did not understand?
Were the trades of the professional translator of
comedies and of the poet celebrating heroes for bread
and protection more honourable, perhaps, two thousand
years ago than they are now? Had Cato not reason
to make it a reproach against Nobilior, that he took
Ennius—who, we may add, glorified in his
verses the Roman potentates without respect of persons,
and overloaded Cato himself with praise—along
with him to Ambracia as the celebrator of his future
achievements? Had he not reason to revile the
Greeks, with whom he had become acquainted in Rome
and Athens, as an incorrigibly wretched pack?
This opposition to the culture of the age and the
Hellenism of the day was well warranted; but Cato was
by no means chargeable with an opposition to culture
and to Hellenism in general. On the contrary
it is the highest merit of the national party, that
they comprehended very clearly the necessity of creating
a Latin literature and of bringing the stimulating
influences of Hellenism to bear on it; only their
intention was, that Latin literature should not be
a mere copy taken from the Greek and intruded on the
national feelings of Rome, but should, while fertilized
by Greek influences, be developed in accordance with
Italian nationality. With a genial instinct,
which attests not so much the sagacity of individuals
as the elevation of the epoch, they perceived that
in the case of Rome, owing to the total want of earlier
poetical productiveness, history furnished the only
subject-matter for the development of an intellectual
life of their own. Rome was, what Greece was
not, a state; and the mighty consciousness of this
truth lay at the root both of the bold attempt which
Naevius made to attain by means of history a Roman
epos and a Roman drama, and of the creation of Latin
prose by Cato. It is true that the endeavour
to replace the gods and heroes of legend by the kings
and consuls of Rome resembles the attempt of the giants
to storm heaven by means of mountains piled one above
another: without a world of gods there is no