It is therefore quite true that the immediate effect of the revolution was to establish the aristocratic government.  It is not, however, the whole truth.  While the majority of contemporaries probably thought that the revolution had brought upon the plebeians only a more rigid despotism, we who come afterwards discern in that very revolution the germs of young liberty.  What the patricians gained was gained at the expense not of the community, but of the magistrate’s power.  It is true that the community gained only a few narrowly restricted rights, which were far less practical and palpable than the acquisitions of the nobility, and which not one in a thousand probably had the wisdom to value; but they formed a pledge and earnest of the future.  Hitherto the —­metoeci—­ had been politically nothing, the old burgesses had been everything; now that the former were embraced in the community, the old burgesses were overcome; for, however much might still be wanting to full civil equality, it is the first breach, not the occupation of the last post, that decides the fall of the fortress.  With justice therefore the Roman community dated its political existence from the beginning of the consulate.

While however the republican revolution may, notwithstanding the aristocratic rule which in the first instance it established, be justly called a victory of the former —­metoeci—­ or the -plebs-, the revolution even in this respect bore by no means the character which we are accustomed in the present day to designate as democratic.  Pure personal merit without the support of birth and wealth could perhaps gain influence and consideration more easily under the regal government than under that of the patriciate.  Then admission to the patriciate was not in law foreclosed; now the highest object of plebeian ambition was to be admitted into the dumb appendage of the senate.  The nature of the case implied that the governing aristocratic order, so far as it admitted plebeians at all, would grant the right of occupying seats in the senate not absolutely to the best men, but chiefly to the heads of the wealthy and notable plebeian families; and the families thus admitted jealously guarded the possession of the senatorial stalls.  While a complete legal equality therefore had subsisted within the old burgess-body, the new burgess-body or former —­metoeci—­ came to be in this way divided from the first into a number of privileged families and a multitude kept in a position of inferiority.  But the power of the community now according to the centuriate organization came into the hands of that class which since the Servian reform of the army and of taxation had borne mainly the burdens of the state, namely the freeholders, and indeed not so much into the hands of the great proprietors or into those of the small cottagers, as into those of the intermediate class of farmers—­an arrangement in which the seniors were still so far privileged that, although less numerous, they had as