The History of Rome (Volumes 1-5) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 3,061 pages of information about The History of Rome (Volumes 1-5).

The History of Rome (Volumes 1-5) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 3,061 pages of information about The History of Rome (Volumes 1-5).

One Gaius Manilius, an utterly worthless and insignificant man had when tribune of the people by his unskilful projects of legislation lost favour both with the aristocracy and with the democracy.  In the hope of sheltering himself under the wing of the powerful general, if he should procure for the latter what every one knew that he eagerly desired but had not the boldness to ask, Manilius proposed to the burgesses to recall the governors Glabrio from Bithynia and Pontus and Marcius Rex from Cilicia, and to entrust their offices as well as the conduct of the war in the east, apparently without any fixed limit as to time and at any rate with the freest authority to conclude peace and alliance, to the proconsul of the seas and coasts in addition to his previous office (beg. of 688).  This occurrence very clearly showed how disorganized was the machinery of the Roman constitution, whenthe power of legislation was placed as respected the initiative inthe hands of any demagogue however insignificant, and as respected the final determination in the hands of the incapable multitude, while it at the same time was extended to the most important questions of administration.  The Manilian proposal was acceptable to none of the political parties; yet it scarcely anywhere encountered serious resistance.  The democratic leaders, for the same reasons which had forced them to acquiesce in the Gabinian law, could not venture earnestly to oppose the Manilian; they kept their displeasure and their fears to themselves and spoke in public for the general of the democracy.  The moderate Optimates declared themselves for the Manilian proposal, because after the Gabinian law resistance in any case was vain, and far-seeing men already perceived that the true policy for the senate was to make approaches as far as possible to Pompeius and to draw him over to their side on occasion of the breach which might be foreseen between him and the democrats.  Lastly the trimmers blessed the day when they too seemed to have an opinion and could come forward decidedly without losing favour with either of the parties—­ it is significant that Marcus Cicero first appeared as an orator on the political platform in defence of the Manilian proposal.  The strict Optimates alone, with Quintus Catulus at their head, showed at least their colours and spoke against the proposition.  Of course it was converted into law by a majority bordering on unanimity.  Pompeius thus obtained, in addition to his earlier extensive powers, the administration of the most important provinces of Asia Minor—­ so that there scarcely remained a spot of land within the wide Roman bounds that had not to obey him—­and the conduct of a war as to which, like the expedition of Alexander, men could tell where and when it began, but not where and when it might end.  Never since Rome stood had such power been united in the hands of a single man.

The Democratic-Military Revolution

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The History of Rome (Volumes 1-5) from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.