go much further:  Cisalpine Gaul consisted after 665 of mere burgess or Latin communities and was yet made a province by Sulla, and in the time of Caesar we meet with regions which consisted exclusively of burgess-communities and yet by no means ceased to be provinces.  In these cases the fundamental idea of the Roman -provinicia- comes out very clearly; it was primarily nothing but a “command,” and all the administrative and judicial functions of the commandant were originally collateral duties and corollaries of his military position.

On the other hand, if we look to the formal sovereignty of the free communities, it must be granted that the position of Greece was not altered in point of constitutional law by the events of 608.  It was a difference de facto rather than de jure, when instead of the Achaean league the individual communities of Achaia now appeared by the side of Rome as tributary protected states, and when, after the erection of Macedonia as a separate Roman province, the latter relieved the authorities of the capital of the superintendence over the Greek client-states.  Greece therefore may or may not be regarded as a part of the “command” of Macedonia, according as the practical or the formal point of view preponderates; but the preponderance is justly conceded to the former.

26.  III.  X. Intervention in the Syro-Egyptian War

27.  A remarkable proof of this is found in the names employed to designate the fine bronze and copper wares of Greece, which in the time of Cicero were called indiscriminately “Corinthian” or “Delian” copper.  Their designation in Italy was naturally derived not from the places of manufacture but from those of export (Plin.  H. N. xxxiv. 2, 9); although, of course, we do not mean to deny that similar vases were manufactured in Corinth and Delos themselves.

28.  III.  X. Course Pursued with Pergamus

29.  III.  IX.  Extension of the Kingdom of Pergamus

30.  III.  X. Course Pursued with Pergamus

31.  Several letters recently brought to light (Munchener Sitzungsberichte, 1860, p. 180 et seq.) from the kings Eumenes ii, and Attalus ii to the priest of Pessinus, who was uniformly called Attis (comp.  Polyb. xxii. 20), very clearly illustrate these relations.  The earliest of these and the only one with a date, written in the 34th year of the reign of Eumenes on the 7th day before the end of Gorpiaeus, and therefore in 590-1 u. c. offers to the priest military aid in order to wrest from the Pesongi (not otherwise known) temple-land occupied by them.  The following, likewise from Eumenes, exhibits the king as a party in the feud between the priest of Pessinus and his brother Aiorix.  Beyond doubt both acts of Eumenes were included among those which were reported at Rome in 590 et seq. as attempts on his part to interfere further in Gallic affairs, and to support his partisans in that quarter (Polyb. xxxi. 6, 9; xxxii. 3, 5).  On the other hand it