had been proved against him, for which reason Sulla
made no more use of him thenceforward in the affairs
of state: he did not refuse to accept an inheritance,
because the testamentary document which contained
his name was notoriously forged; he made no objection,
when his bailiffs by force or by fraud dislodged the
petty holders from lands which adjoined his own.
He avoided open collisions, however, with criminal
justice, and lived himself like a genuine moneyed
man in homely and simple style. In this way
Crassus rose in the course of a few years from a man
of ordinary senatorial fortune to be the master of
wealth which not long before his death, after defraying
enormous extraordinary expenses, still amounted to
170,000,000 sesterces (1,700,000 pounds). He
had become the richest of Romans and thereby, at the
same time, a great political power. If, according
to his expression, no one might call himself rich
who could not maintain an army from his revenues,
one who could do this was hardly any longer a mere
citizen. In reality the views of Crassus aimed
at a higher object than the possession of the best-filled
money-chest in Rome. He grudged no pains to
extend his connections. He knew how to salute
by name every burgess of the capital. He refused
to no suppliant his assistance in court. Nature,
indeed, had not done much for him as an orator:
his speaking was dry, his delivery monotonous, he
had difficulty of hearing; but his tenacity of purpose,
which no wearisomeness deterred and no enjoyment distracted,
overcame such obstacles. He never appeared unprepared,
he never extemporized, and so he became a pleader
at all times in request and at all times ready; to
whom it was no derogation that a cause was rarely too
bad for him, and that he knew how to influence the
judges not merely by his oratory, but also by his
connections and, on occasion, by his gold. Half
the senate was in debt to him; his habit of advancing
to “friends” money without interest revocable
at pleasure rendered a number of influential men dependent
on him, and the more so that, like a genuine man of
business, he made no distinction among the parties,
maintained connections on all hands, and readily lent
to every one who was able to pay or otherwise useful.
The most daring party-leaders, who made their attacks
recklessly in all directions, were careful not to
quarrel with Crassus; he was compared to the bull
of the herd, whom it was advisable for none to provoke.
That such a man, so disposed and so situated, could
not strive after humble aims is clear; and, in a very
different way from Pompeius, Crassus knew exactly
like a banker the objects and the means of political
speculation. From the origin of Rome capital
was a political power there; the age was of such a
sort, that everything seemed accessible to gold as
to iron. If in the time of revolution a capitalist
aristocracy might have thought of overthrowing the
oligarchy of the gentes, a man like Crassus might raise