11.  A standing Roman commandant of Corcyra is apparently mentioned in Polyb. xxii. 15, 6 (erroneously translated by Liv. xxxviii. ii, comp. xlii. 37), and a similar one in the case of Issa in Liv. xliii. 9.  We have, moreover, the analogy of the -praefectus pro legato insularum Baliarum- (Orelli, 732), and of the governor of Pandataria (Inscr.  Reg.  Neapol. 3528).  It appears, accordingly, to have been a rule in the Roman administration to appoint non-senatorial -praefecti- for the more remote islands.  But these “deputies” presuppose in the nature of the case a superior magistrate who nominates and superintends them; and this superior magistracy can only have been at this period that of the consuls.  Subsequently, after the erection of Macedonia and Gallia Cisalpina into provinces, the superior administration was committed to one of these two governors; the very territory now in question, the nucleus of the subsequent Roman province of Illyricum, belonged, as is well known, in part to Caesar’s district of administration.

12.  III.  VII.  The Senones Annihilated

13.  III.  VII.  Breach between Rome and Tarentum

14.  III.  VII.  Construction of New Fortresses and Roads

15.  These, whom Polybius designates as the “Celts in the Alps and on the Rhone, who on account of their character as military adventurers are called Gaesatae (free lances),” are in the Capitoline Fasti named -Germani-.  It is possible that the contemporary annalists may have here mentioned Celts alone, and that it was the historical speculation of the age of Caesar and Augustus that first induced the redactors of these Fasti to treat them as “Germans.”  If, on the other hand, the mention of the Germans in the Fasti was based on contemporary records —­in which case this is the earliest mention of the name—­we shall here have to think not of the Germanic races who were afterwards so called, but of a Celtic horde.

Chapter IV

Hamilcar and Hannibal

Situation of Carthage after the Peace

The treaty with Rome in 513 gave to the Carthaginians peace, but they paid for it dearly.  That the tribute of the largest portion of Sicily now flowed into the enemy’s exchequer instead of the Carthaginian treasury, was the least part of their loss.  They felt a far keener regret when they not merely had to abandon the hope of monopolizing all the sea-routes between the eastern and the western Mediterranean —­just as that hope seemed on the eve of fulfilment—­but also saw their whole system of commercial policy broken up, the south-western basin of the Mediterranean, which they had hitherto exclusively commanded, converted since the loss of Sicily into an open thoroughfare for all nations, and the commerce of Italy rendered completely independent of the Phoenician.  Nevertheless the quiet men of Sidon might perhaps have prevailed on themselves to acquiesce in this result.  They had met with