office of the state—­thrice by the votes of the burgesses to the chief magistracy, both, as tribunes, consuls, and censors, opponents of patrician privileges and defenders of the small farmer-class against the incipient arrogance of the leading houses.  The future parties were already marked out; but the interests of party were still suspended on both sides in presence of the interests of the commonweal.  The patrician Appius Claudius and the farmer Manius Curius—­vehement in their personal antagonism—­jointly by wise counsel and vigorous action conquered king Pyrrhus; and while Gaius Fabricius as censor inflicted penalties on Publius Cornelius Rufinus for his aristocratic sentiments and aristocratic habits, this did not prevent him from supporting the claim of Rufinus to a second consulate on account of his recognized ability as a general.  The breach was already formed; but the adversaries still shook hands across it.

The New Government

The termination of the struggles between the old and new burgesses, the various and comparatively successful endeavours to relieve the middle class, and the germs—­already making their appearance amidst the newly acquired civic equality—­of the formation of a new aristocratic and a new democratic party, have thus been passed in review.  It remains that we describe the shape which the new government assumed amidst these changes, and the positions in which after the political abolition of the nobility the three elements of the republican commonwealth—­the burgesses, the magistrates, and the senate—­stood towards each other.

The Burgess-Body—­
Its Composition

The burgesses in their ordinary assemblies continued as hitherto to be the highest authority in the commonwealth and the legal sovereign.  But it was settled by law that—­apart from the matters committed once for all to the decision of the centuries, such as the election of consuls and censors—­voting by districts should be just as valid as voting by centuries:  a regulation introduced as regards the patricio-plebeian assembly by the Valerio-Horatian law of 305(12) and extended by the Publilian law of 415, but enacted as regards the plebeian separate assembly by the Hortensian law about 467.(13) We have already noticed that the same individuals, on the whole, were entitled to vote in both assemblies, but that—­apart from the exclusion of the patricians from the plebeian separate assembly—­in the general assembly of the districts all entitled to vote were on a footing of equality, while in the centuriate comitia the working of the suffrage was graduated with reference to the means of the voters, and in so far, therefore, the change was certainly a levelling and democratic innovation.  It was a circumstance of far greater importance that, towards the end of this period, the primitive freehold basis of the right of suffrage began for the first time to be called in question.  Appius Claudius, the boldest innovator known in Roman history, in his