the patricians and the —metoeci—.
An extension of that community was inevitable; and
it was accomplished in the most comprehensive manner,
inasmuch as the collective plebeiate, that is, all
the non-burgesses who were neither slaves nor citizens
of extraneous communities living at Rome under the
-ius hospitii-, were admitted into the burgess-body.
The curiate assembly of the old burgesses, which
hitherto had been legally and practically the first
authority in the state, was almost totally deprived
of its constitutional prerogatives. It was to
retain its previous powers only in acts purely formal
or in those which affected clan-relations —such
as the vow of allegiance to be taken to the consul
or to the dictator when they entered on office just
as previously to the king,(9) and the legal dispensations
requisite for an -arrogatio- or a testament—but
it was not in future to perform any act of a properly
political character. Soon even the plebeians
were admitted to the right of voting also in the curies,
and by that step the old burgess-body lost the right
of meeting and of resolving at all. The curial
organization was virtually rooted out, in so far as
it was based on the clan-organization and this latter
was to be found in its purity exclusively among the
old burgesses. When the plebeians were admitted
into the curies, they were certainly also allowed to
constitute themselves -de jure- as—what
in the earlier period they could only have been -de
facto-(10)—families and clans; but it is
distinctly recorded by tradition and in itself also
very conceivable, that only a portion of the plebeians
proceeded so far as to constitute -gentes-, and thus
the new curiate assembly, in opposition to its original
character, included numerous members who belonged to
no clan.
All the political prerogatives of the public assembly—as
well the decision on appeals in criminal causes, which
indeed were essentially political processes, as the
nomination of magistrates and the adoption or rejection
of laws—were transferred to, or were now
acquired by, the assembled levy of those bound to
military service; so that the centuries now received
the rights, as they had previously borne the burdens,
of citizens. In this way the small initial movements
made by the Servian constitution—such as,
in particular, the handing over to the army the right
of assenting to the declaration of an aggressive war(11)—attained
such a development that the curies were completely
and for ever cast into the shade by the assembly of
the centuries, and people became accustomed to regard
the latter as the sovereign people. In this assembly
debate took place merely when the presiding magistrate
chose himself to speak or bade others do so; of course
in cases of appeal both parties had to be heard.
A simple majority of the centuries was decisive.