allowed him the opportunity of pleading for pardon.
This was the beginning of the -provocatio-, which
for that reason was especially permitted not to the
transgressor who had refused to plead guilty and had
been convicted, but to him who confessed his crime
and urged reasons in palliation of it. In the
ordinary course of law the perpetual treaty concluded
with a neighbouring state might not be broken—unless
the burgesses deemed themselves released from it on
account of injuries inflicted on them. Hence
it was necessary that they should be consulted when
an aggressive war was contemplated, but not on occasion
of a defensive war, where the other state had broken
the treaty, nor on the conclusion of peace; it appears,
however, that the question was in such a case addressed
not to the usual assembly of the burgesses, but to
the army. Thus, in general, it was necessary
to consult the burgesses whenever the king meditated
any innovation, any change of the existing public
law; and in so far the right of legislation was from
antiquity not a right of the king, but a right of the
king and the community. In these and all similar
cases the king could not act with legal effect without
the cooperation of the community; the man whom the
king alone declared a patrician remained as before
a non-burgess, and the invalid act could only carry
consequences possibly -de facto-, not -de jure-.
Thus far the assembly of the community, however restricted
and bound at its emergence, was yet from antiquity
a constituent element of the Roman commonwealth, and
was in law superior to, rather than co-ordinate with,
the king.
The Senate
But by the side of the king and of the burgess-assembly
there appears in the earliest constitution of the
community a third original power, not destined for
acting like the former or for resolving like the latter,
and yet co-ordinate with both and within its own rightful
sphere placed over both. This was the council
of elders or -senatus-. Beyond doubt it had its
origin in the clan-constitution: the old tradition
that in the original Rome the senate was composed
of all the heads of households is correct in state-law
to this extent, that each of the clans of the later
Rome which had not merely migrated thither at a more
recent date referred its origin to one of those household-fathers
of the primitive city as its ancestor and patriarch.
If, as is probable, there was once in Rome or at
any rate in Latium a time when, like the state itself,
each of its ultimate constituents, that is to say each
clan, had virtually a monarchical organization and
was under the rule of an elder—whether
raised to that position by the choice of the clansmen
or of his predecessor, or in virtue of hereditary
succession—the senate of that time was nothing
but the collective body of these clan-elders, and
accordingly an institution independent of the king
and of the burgess-assembly; in contradistinction to