[Footnote 1:  Charles was now persuaded even to address the two houses by the style of “the Lords and Commons assembled in the parliament of England at Westminster,” instead of “the Lords and Commons of parliament assembled at Westminster,” which he had formerly used.—­Journals, vii. 91.  He says he would not have done it, if he could have found two in the council to support him.—­Works, 144, Evelyn’s Mem. ii.  App. 90.  This has been alleged, but I see not with what reason, as a proof of his insincerity in the treaty.]

[Sidenote:  A.D. 1645.  Jan. 30.]

pounds, towards the liquidation of the public debt; that on the subject of the army and navy he was prepared to make considerable concessions, provided the power of the sword were, after a certain period, to revert unimpaired to him and his successors; and that he could not, consistently with his honour, break the Irish treaty, which he had, after mature deliberation, subscribed and ratified.  Much of the time was spent in debates respecting the comparative merits of the episcopal and presbyterian forms of church government, and in charges and recriminations as to the real authors of the distress and necessity which had led to the cessation in Ireland.  On the twentieth day nothing had been concluded.  A proposal to prolong the negotiation was rejected by the two houses, and the commissioners returned to London and Oxford.[a] The royalists had, however, discovered that Vane, St. John, and Prideaux had come to Uxbridge not so much to treat, as to act the part of spies on the conduct of their colleagues; and that there existed an irreconcilable difference of opinion between the two parties, the Presbyterians seeking the restoration of royalty, provided it could be accomplished with perfect safety to themselves, and with the legal establishment of their religious worship, while the Independents sought nothing less than the total downfall of the throne, and the extinction of the privileges of the nobility.[1]

Both parties again appealed to the sword, but with very different prospects before them; on the side of the royalists all was lowering and gloomy, on that of the parliament bright and cheering.  The king had

[Footnote 1:  See Journals, vii. 163, 166, 169, 174, 181, 195, 211, 231, 239, 242-254; Clarendon, ii. 578-600.]

[Sidenote a:  A.D. 1645.  Feb. 22.]

derived but little of that benefit which he expected from the cessation in Ireland.  He dared not withdraw the bulk of his army before he had concluded a peace with the insurgents; and they, aware of his difficulties, combined their demands, which he knew not how to grant, with an offer of aid which he was unwilling to refuse.  They demanded freedom of religion, the repeal of Poyning’s law, a parliamentary settlement of their estates, and a general amnesty, with this exception, that an inquiry should be instituted into all acts of violence and bloodshed not consistent with the acknowledged usages